Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa


First blog post

Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa (IFNASA) has been at the cutting edge of a Transformational or Transformative South Africa. We continue to reject Racial Categorization, Segregation, Apartheid Spatial Planning, Ethnic Domination, Unconstitutionality of the S.A Constitution,  Exclusion of the Our Ancestral Land in the Section 25 Subsection 7 of the South African Constitution and all forms of Injustice against the First Nation People. IFNASA is now in the process of developing the “San and Khoe International Institute (SAKII)” for the development of Indigenous Knowledge Systems, Transformative Educational, Academic Papers and New Knowledge Development. To start a new post. Join us at and make a difference.

Featured post

San And Khoe International Institute (SAKII)

San And Khoe International Institute (SAKII)

Founding Statement


The San and Khoe International Institute (SAKII) has been founded on the principals of a progressive Knowledge Base Indigenous First Nation People, which will be researching and developing the Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS), Develop Transformative Educational Systems and Content, Produce Academic Papers/Journals, Establishment of Good Government – Governance, Economic Papers and the Production of New Knowledge Development. The Ethical Code of Conduct and guidelines relating to the rights of, and respect for Indigenous and local communities, will be protected and local knowledge hedging. SAKII subscribe to the principles of “Respect, Preserve and Maintain Knowledge, Innovations and the Practices of Indigenous and Local communities embodying traditional lifestyles”, as per the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD).

Welcome to – San and Khoe International Institute (SAKII) 

black metal wood top bench
Photo by Deneen Treble on



Time to Educate…

black metal wood top bench
Photo by Deneen Treble on


South Africa, A Nation and Constitution Cast in Contradictions


For Immediate Release

South Africa, A Nation and Constitution Cast in Contradictions

6th September 2018

Fellow South Africans,

Today, 6th September 2018, is a very important Historical Moment. The Khoe and San, continuously dehumanized, erroneously still called Coloured in democratic South Africa, although the National Party under F W De Klerk Abolished the Population Registration Act of 1950 in 1991 which classified all of us, call upon South Africans of all ethnic groups and the First Nation People, to seriously consider our plight for Freedom. We are not calling for an Emotional Change to the Constitution, we are calling for change of the Constitution because of historical Injustice that continue unabated. You cannot turn a blind eye anymore.

Today is historic not because IFNASA (Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa) will be making a presentation concerning Our Ancestral Land, but because every “Small Shot at the Target (Khoe-San-Coloured Liberation) is noteworthy from this moment onwards… South Africa, we call for sympathy as you can plainly observe the continuous false Identification of our People in a free country.

We will be representing the San and Khoe Coloured People in Parliament at around 10am on the Land Expropriation Without Compensation. We are Not entering the Land Expropriation Without Compensation debate because it is Inconsequential. Without our Identity Restored, engaging in the Land debate is futile.

We are advancing:

1. Constitutional Recognition – First Nation Status
2. Identity Reclamation
3. Removal of Subsection 7 of Section 25 of the Constitution
4. Symbolic Hand Back of the Land to the First Nation People – Sanctioned by the State
5. Negotiated Settlement is Justified once the Land Back Ceremony has been Completed – Spiritual Transaction – Clear Designated Areas
6. Reparations

IFNASA is resolute, we want Section 25 Subsection 7 “Removed” because it Aggressively and Violently Obstruct our Historical Claims to our Ancestral Land as the Constitutional Court has found in Case Number CCT 19/03. Section 25 Subsection 7 is Immoral and Fraudulent. Subsection 6 and Subsection 7 is in stark Contradiction with one another and so are many sections of the Constitution, glaring Conflict with one another.

Chapter 1 of the Constitution make reference to Human Dignity and Section 2, the Bill of Rights guarantees Equality and Human Dignity. The People called Coloureds are yet to enjoy these Rights guaranteed in the Constitution. Racism has been institutionalized, it cannot go uncontested. People are continuously referred to on the basis of color, surely this is inhumane. Racial Categorization Perpetuate Racism, we need to Stop the insanity.

The Failure by the State to provide the appropriate enabling environment for the Recognition – Restoration of the First Nation People and recognition of our fellow Bantu-Nguni’s, clearly violates the letter and spirit of the Constitution. The fact that our Ancestral Languages are not enjoying any legal and official standing, while it was hijacked and placed in the Coat of Arms, clearly reveal that the Nation is in Contradiction and Conflict with the First Nation People. While every community in South Africa enjoy the platform of a State sanctioned National Radio Station, the so called Coloured People are the only Nation without such privileges. It is inconceivable and inexplicable.

We call on every so-called Coloured and every Justice loving Citizen of South Africa, the region, the continent and the world to join us later today (6th September 2018) and make your Voice heard.

Use the (Hash tag)


Please find us on DSTV 408 on Parliament TV and help us Change the cause of History. What we Collectively “Say and Do” could potentially help us eat a little piece off the Elephant called – Injustice, Oppression and Conscious Marginalization.

Your Prayers are absolutely essential and appreciated. Let us remain committed to our People’s Total Freedom. The Total Freedom of the Khoe and San Coloured People and the Full Freedom of All South Africans.

Join Khoe and San Coloured Revolution and Reject our Exclusion.

Kei Gangangs

Anthony Phillip Williams

+27 (0) 61 084 5053

Join us at:

Are We Ready to Pay the Price?


South Africa is preparing for a Revolution, can we see it and are we Ready?

To make sense of what South Africa is confronted with, in terms of Economy, Land, Identity and the battle for Control of the countries Purse, called control of the Resources, we must take a few steps back and properly analyze Revolutions. We have entered an undisputed ‘Point of No Return’, like Julius Caesar and his ilk. The Land Expropriation Without Compensation Hearings has timeously push the State and the People, particularly the Proletariat, that means the poor to the edge.

Capitalist and Capitalism have been flaunting and bragging with flashy cars and exotic toys for too long and the People, the grassroots, has had enough of the charade. Those who continue to appropriate the spoils of a relatively bloodless war, a transition from apartheid to democracy, without sharing with the First Nation People and the Masses of Indigenous Africans, are now at gunpoint.

The Russian Revolution of 1917 was one of the most explosive political events of the twentieth century. The violent revolution marked the end of the Romanov dynasty and centuries of Russian Imperial rule. During the Russian Revolution, the Bolsheviks, led by leftist revolutionary Vladimir Lenin, seized power and destroyed the tradition of csarist rule. The Bolsheviks would later become the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

The Russian Revolution took place in 1917, during the final phase of World War I. It removed Russia from the war and brought about the transformation of the Russian Empire into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), replacing Russia’s traditional monarchy with the world’s first Communist state. The revolution happened in stages through two separate coups, one in February and one in October. The new government, led by Vladimir Lenin, would solidify its power only after three years of civil war, which ended in 1920.

Although the events of the Russian Revolution happened abruptly, the causes may be traced back nearly a century. Prior to the revolution, the Russian monarchy had become progressively weaker and increasingly aware of its own vulnerability (and therefore more reactionary). Nicholas II—the tsar who led Russia in the years leading up to the revolution—had personally witnessed revolutionary terrorists assassinate his grandfather and, subsequently, his own father respond to the assassination through brutal oppression of the Russian people. When Nicholas II himself became tsar in 1894, he used similarly severe measures to subdue resistance movements, which were becoming bolder and more widespread every year. As Nicholas’s newly imposed oppressions in turn incited still more unrest, he was forced to make concessions after each incident: it was in this manner that Russia’s first constitution was created, as was its first parliament. These concessions continued gradually until Nicholas II’s grip on power became very tenuous. The historical accounts of the Russian transformation exactly mirror South Africa at this juncture. The ANC, the reigning monarch is now with their backs against the wall. They too have to make a number of concessions of which the most important was to bow to their youth league called EFF demands on Land Expropriation Without Compensation, amongst others.

As Nicholas II grew weaker, Vladimir Lenin rose to prominence as the most powerful figure in Russia. Although this famous leader of the October Revolution was not even in Russia for the February Revolution—he had lived in self-imposed exile in Europe since 1900 and returned to Russia only in April 1917—he nonetheless exerted tremendous influence. Whatever history’s judgment of him, few other Russian revolutionaries possessed Lenin’s decisiveness and strength of vision for Russia’s future. Born in 1870 in the provincial town of Simbirsk as Vladimir Ilich Ulyanov, the young Lenin was profoundly affected by his older brother Alexander’s 1887 execution for being involved in a plot to assassinate the tsar. As a young adult, Vladimir joined the resistance movement himself and took the pseudonym Lenin but swore that he would never engage in the sort of “adventurism” that had ended his brother’s life. Nevertheless, his actions would one day become very adventurous indeed. To that extent, we too can now extract valuable lessons and data from his life stories.

The revolution that Lenin led marked one of the most radical turning points in Russia’s 1,300-year history: it affected economics, social structure, culture, international relations, industrial development, and most any other benchmark by which one might measure a Revolution. We continue to hear that the economy should not be destabilized as the country navigate a difficult transition. What does that mean? How are we going to effect change without rattling the economic cage? It’s inconceivable. We must redesign the structure of the economy if we are going to Liberate South Africans. Although the new Russian government of the time, would prove to be at least as repressive as the one it replaced, the country’s new rulers were drawn largely from the intellectual and working classes rather than from the aristocracy—which meant a considerable change in direction for Russia. This again, mirrors the South African reality today.

Lenin, was by far my favorite character in history at school, although I couldn’t perceive the extent of that the Revolution, that it happened to real people and that it was a reality and not fiction. I thought it to be the imagination of historians of the time. The Russian Revolution opened the door for Russia to fully enter the industrial age. Prior to 1917, Russia was a mostly agrarian nation that had dabbled in industrial development only to a limited degree. By 1917, Russia’s European neighbors had embraced industrialization for more than half a century, making technological advancements such as widespread electrification, which Russia had yet to achieve. After the revolution, new urban-industrial regions appeared quickly in Russia and became increasingly important to the country’s development. The population was drawn to the cities in huge numbers. Education also took a major upswing, and illiteracy was almost entirely eradicated. What we do in South Africa to prepare for the Revolution and post the Revolution is critical, the Russian accounts are sobering and enviable. History should be our teacher so that we don’t fail our people. What format the Revolution will take, is not entirely clear, what is visible is a rebut of the status quo.

Although the events of the Russian Revolution happened abruptly and hoping that we in SA can learn something from it, the causes may be traced back nearly a century. Prior to the revolution, the Russian monarchy had become progressively weaker and increasingly aware of its own vulnerability (and therefore more reactionary). The monarch in South African context is the ANC and they too have become acutely aware of their vulnerability as the ruling party, hence the knee-jerk reaction of changing the country’s constitution without the required constitutional mandatory public participation concluded. It’s a moment of desperation and they will do anything to cling on to power. Although this power remains superficial and inconsequential, at least economically speaking.

There is way too much talk happening on social media platforms. Some of us, who work tirelessly on the Khoe and San Coloured People’s Liberation project and the general freedom of all Oppressed South Africans, we see the signs of renewal on the horizon, while rejection is becoming palpable, transparent and for that reason we should desist the unnecessary long winded conjecture. We need strategist.

I’m not trying to denounce the contributions of others, but it’s important that we get to a point where we fully engage the extent of the Program of Action. National consultations remains a necessity, notwithstanding, the lessons learned in the past and resent past induce all of us to properly assess, analyze and interpret the status quo. Revolutions seems to be happening sporadically and almost leader-less if we take the Bouazizi account seriously. In the absence of a Collective Coherent Strategy to getting the Indigenous African People access to the Economy and Land, the masses are loosing patience and before they loose the momentum in the current leader-less crisis, in a renewed state offered all of us, this includes the Khoe and San Coloured People and Bantu – Nguni and Eurokaner nationals, the People seems to be Ready to repeat the Arab Spring in a twinkling of an eye. We must really think about our Strategy to Liberate our People? By People I mean, Indigenous First Nation and our Bantu-Nguni Nation People. It will ultimately have to come to a collective resistance of all progressive people. If we as Khoe and San Coloured People think we can fight alone, we will soon be confronted with reality.

It was in 2010 eight years ago, that a Revolutionary Youthful Cadre, the 26-year-old Mohamed Bouazizi was getting ready to sell fruits and vegetables in the rural town of Sidi Bouzid, Tunisia. Many of our informal traders in SA are all too familiar with the Bouazizi’s story. They too suffer the same fate daily.

Bouazizi was the breadwinner for his widowed mother and six siblings, but he didn’t have a permit to sell the goods (Sounds * Familiar JMPD). When the police asked Bouazizi to hand over his wooden cart, he refused and a policewoman allegedly slapped him. That’s when all hell broke loose.

Angered after being publicly humiliated, Bouazizi marched in front of a government building and set himself on fire.

His act of desperation resonated immediately with others in the town. Protests began that day in Sidi Bouzid, captured by cellphone cameras and shared on the Internet. We in South Africa watched with anguish and resentment, because we all suffer like Bouazizi at the hands of a Brutally Oppressive Capitalist and Neo-Liberalism system, irrespective of religion, spiritual persuasion. We could immediately connect to his experience.

Within days, protests started popping up across the country, calling upon President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and his regime to step down. About a month later, he fled.

The momentum in Tunisia set off uprisings across the Middle East that became known as the Arab Spring. A year after the young Tunisian became a martyr, where does the Arab world stand on demands for democracy? Was it worth it, many ask?

This story resonate with me as I begin to ask myself, to what extent are we willing to engage the Limpid and Unambiguous Revolution the country is confronted with? Who will Liberate the Khoe and San Coloured People and who will Liberate South Africans? Are we waiting for Bouazizi? Clearly, the uprisings of the last few years and the radical actions of some revolutionary leaders ignited a “Point of No Return”. What are we going to do with it and what are we waiting for? Who are we waiting for? What will it take to tip the scales?

One thing is sure, it’s not going to come without resistance. It doesn’t seem that the Land will be returned without conflict and combat. There is a Price to Pay for Freedom!

The momentum in Tunisia set off uprisings across the Middle East that became known as the Arab Spring, are we Ready for the SA Spring?

Are we Ready to Pay the Price?

Anthony Phillip Williams

Northern Cape Says YES To Expropriation

Participants in attendance at City Hall



A dominant theme was present amongst citizens of the Northern Cape who attended parliament’s public hearings on amending the Constitution to allow for land expropriation without compensation,  with majority of the participants saying that land must be expropriated without compensation.

The Northern Cape’s vast land mass is mostly arid, but attendees are of the view that any land is better than no land. The mining industries use of land for economical purposes, that may have been previously owned by indigenous people was raised in all the hearings across the province.  In a province where more than 100 different minerals are present, albeit not all with economic value, it was no surprise that communities, most of which are poverty stricken and unemployed, would be very emotional about the topic of land expropriation.

The public hearings in the province started in Springbok where some participants questioned the effects of the proposed amendments on the job sector. Farmers that made inputs feared that food security will not be guaranteed if the amendments do indeed go ahead.

At the Upington hearing, representatives of the Khoi and San communities said that their rights of land ownership, which dates back centuries, should be restored as the “original owners of the land in the Northern Cape.” The Upington area is home to some of South Africa’s richest grape and wine farmers in South Africa and most of them were vocal in their opposition to the proposed amendments.

The hearings in Kuruman focused on land that is currently used for mineral extraction and the “exclusive use of water” by some of the farmers in the area.

The last round of the Province’s hearings that was held at the Kimberley City Hall saw queues forming outside the venue waiting to be scanned by the police prior to entering. Mining giant De Beers came under fire from a number of participants due to their vast land ownership in and around Kimberley and the extraction of diamonds for more than a century. The Kimberley hearings were the most well attended in terms of numbers, and participants form various political parties and organisations were well represented. Well known farmer and owner of Wildeklawer Louis de Kock, told the hearing that it was the erstwhile British governor of the Cape Colony, Henry Barkly that took Kimberley from the Griquas and moved them to Griekwastad. He was not entirely opposed to expropriation, but preferred compensation because, according to him “most land was removed from people by governments. We should ask the British government to help with the funding of giving the land back.”

Solomon Star spoke to some of the participants and the general view is that land ownership and dignity goes hand in hand. One participant, Mr Langeveldt indicated that he wants his ancestral land back, but was concerned about the absence of funding to make the land commercially viable. Another participant, Ms Medupe said “I’m staying in a shack at the moment, at the back of someone else’s property. I just need a piece of land to build my own house.” One of the oldest participants, Mr Beukes questioned how the land expropriation process will unfold where the urban land is occupied by another family. The plight of the Griqua community was also sharply raised and their representative questioned why their land claims have remained unresolved for more than 10 years. The Red Meat Producers Organisation argued against amendment of the constitution and was concerned about food security.

The constitutional review committee says the Northern Cape leg of the public hearings has been largely conducted in an orderly manner. They will move on to the Free State to listen to more oral submissions from the public. The committee is also tasked with processing more than 700 000 written submissions received from the public and organisations.




Indigenous First Nation Advocacy Khoe-San Land Summit Statement

Indigenous First Nation Advocacy Khoe-San Land Summit Statement


7th May 2018

General Summary

The Khoe and San Land Summit founding Statement: “Racial Categorization perpetuates racism! We reject the so called “Black” notion because it’s a colonial imposed label, racially motivated and devoid of any academic or intellectual substance. The Land called South Africa historically was occupied by the San and the Khoe before any other group. The Land must be returned symbolically first to the Khoe and San and than a negotiated settlement is justified.”

Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa (IFNASA), who organized the recent Khoe and San Land Summit carefully observe the continuous contradictions and conflicts in South African since democracy, which is beginning to find curious and concerning expressions amongst ordinary citizens as demonstrated by the communities of Mitchells Plain and Siqala in Cape Town. So, allow us to take this opportunity to remember the young life which was lost during the regrettable altercation, the struggle for our freedom will always remember the 19 year old Muhammad Tariq Mohamed and all those hurt in the process on both sides. It’s equally a tragic moment in the history of our country as we have learned of the brutal slaying of Pappa Aubrey Jackson and Mamma Rosalie Bloch, parents of Graeme Bloch and in laws of struggle veteran Cheryl Carolus. We remember all the lives lost at the brutal hand of an uncaring callous political system especially the lives on the Cape Flats.

The relative smooth transition in South Africa, from apartheid to a supposed legitimate social equality state continue to reveal fractures, notwithstanding, racism persist to be salient in the social justice and political make-up of South Africans, while we experience both intended and instinctive racial oppression. Besides the internal confusion and conflict we as a people experience amongst ourselves as it pertains to our apartheid classification, the new society has made our journey into democracy unbearable in every way possible. The continuous Coloured people’s marginality and our uniqueness is reflected in the South African historiography, yet the government continues to parade us under a false identity. History has generous accounts of our people’s origin and the subsequent inflicted mutation from the first homosapien (wise man) to savages. Very little has been written by ourselves concerning our history as a social group and much of what has been written either reproduces the simplistic formulations of popular racist conceptions of the Coloured identity or focuses narrowly on Coloured remonstration (disputes) politics and rarely correctly cover the social injustices suffered by our community. The existing literature largely disregards crucial questions relating to the “Genocide” “Original Cultural Sin” and “Character” of Coloured identity, including the social and political dynamic that inform Coloured distinctiveness.

By assuming Colouredness to be either an in-bred quality that is the automatic product of miscegenation (mixture) or an artificial identity imposed by the white supremacist establishment on weak and vulnerable people as part of a divide-and-rule strategy, this diverse historiography has denied people called Coloured a significant role in the making of their own “Identity” and “Land Ownership” in the country of our ancestors.

It is essential that we emphasize that the state continue to perpetuate past evils and it has become seemingly incapable as a democratic developmental institution, which is supposed to advance strategic orientation of the populace, now instead perpetuate institutional racism through racial categorization and ring fence a system that places the needs of the poor and social safety in the hands of some unscrupulous capitalist agenda.


Land and Identity the – Makeover

Colleagues, we want you to appreciate the focus on identity and land and why we spend considerable time taking you through some details. The Land Summit participants recognized the conflict between our imposed identity called “Coloured” and our authentic identity of which the majority of Coloureds are originating from, the San and Khoe and we will give greater interpretation as the brief unfolds. We realized that Land, Identity and Language are intricately linked. The summit noted the important development that took place on 20th March 2018, when the South African Human Rights Commission released an historic and groundbreaking report on the human rights violations against the Khoe and San community in South Africa, who are incessantly labeled Coloured.

It is unfortunate that very little analysis were done on the SAHRC report and we know that some in the corridors of power is hoping that the report will just magically evaporate, well, it’s not going to disappear until the government deals with the content. The SAHRC report reads: “The Commission has developed directives and recommendations in line with its mandate to promote the protection, development and attainment of human rights for the Khoi-San in South Africa, and in this way, aims to contribute to the transformation of society and the attainment of social cohesion and reconciliation. In considering the directives and recommendations set out, organs of State must recall the obligations set out in Section 181(3) of the Constitution to support and cooperate with the Commission. On this basis, the Commission strongly encourages that the recommendations be taken seriously and calls for the on-going commitment by all Parties, but also stresses the importance of co-operative governance and inter-sectoral collaboration in addressing the complex and interlinking challenges of the Khoi-San.”


We will now mention just two of the over 50 recommendations and directives:

Under the heading, Identity and recognition number (7.1.1) mention: “The State, through the Presidency and DAC (Department of Arts and Culture), must take steps on or before 31 March 2019 towards removal of the forceful categorisation of Khoi and San peoples as “Coloured”. Secondly in (7.1.2) is mentions that: “CoGTA, through the Minister, must ensure before 18 months of issuing of this report that official recognition of indigenous communities, through legislative and administrative processes, are equitable to the recognition of other traditional communities, and must not place an undue burden on Khoi and San communities desiring to receive official recognition from the State. In this regard, it is noted that “equitable” does not require the same treatment, but in noting the distinct context of the Khoi-San from other traditional communities, the department is required to meaningfully engage with the Khoi-San with a view of developing reasonable and practical procedures.”

The reason why we’re quoting from the SAHRC report is because it speaks directly to the heart of our ancestral land dispossession. The dispossession was meticulously executed and with military precision. What the colonizers and those captains of apartheid did was to successfully impose a new culture on our ancestors to the extent that we have lost the land and identity in the process.

Various accounts clearly show historical analysis of the Natives Land Act of 1913 which suggest long-term processes of colonization and dispossession, or colonial conquest. Some scholars see the starting point from the seventeenth century when the Khoe and San became the first group of African people to suffer colonization and dispossession from European permanent settlement and expansion of Europeans into their territory. After the incorporation of the Cape into the British Empire, further expansion of colonial boundaries extended colonial conquest of the Xhosa chiefdoms through the Eastern Frontier Wars for the better part of the first half of the nineteenth century. Colonial conquest then gathered pace from the second half of the nineteenth century especially from the 1860s and 1880s and brought much of southern Africa within the colonial restrictions. The major events here were the “mineral revolution” and the broader “scramble for Africa.” Through these phases of colonial conquests, various groups of African peoples (like Bantus and Nguni’s) in southern Africa were formally dispossessed of the land they settled on. The summit recognizes all the other African groups who settled in South Africa before the European settlers came to dispossess the land from the natives.

In the conquest of the Khoe and San, the result was the complete undermining of pre-existing political economies, customary law and the incorporation in to a subservient position (as labourers) in colonial society. The result was that our autonomous San societies and Khoikhoi chiefdoms ended. In some instances, however, groups of survivors moved further inland where they reconstituted themselves into varying formations including chiefdoms. The expansion into the “eastern frontier,” similarly in the disruption of pre-existing political economies, but some chiefdom remained in place though in a subservient political position.

Some of the Land Summit Resolutions follows:

  • The Coat of Arms bears testimony as to who occupied South Africa from the beginning of time. Why does the state continue to deny us our ancestral land and identity?
  • That the Khoe and San are the First Nation People of South Africa.
  • Government should establish a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to deal with all related issues of Identity Theft, Land Dispossession, Language and related issues of genocide and trauma suffered by us and other African people of South Africa.
  • The Khoe and San with government should enhance and accelerate inter-ethnic dialogue to close the gap between the Indigenous Africans.
  • Renegotiate transformational economic instruments like BBBEE, EE and AA amongst others because it generally excludes our people from empowerment opportunities.
  • We as a community should create social cohesion ambassadors.
  • The constitution’s notorious section 25 subsection (7) has unjustly ruled and prejudice against the Indigenous First Nation People’s dignity as espoused in the preamble of the constitution and access to land rights. This piece of law is unsound and based on colonial conquest philosophy (Native Land Act No 30 of 1913). Section 25 subsection (8) petition the state to make exceptions when it highlight that: No provision of this section may impede the state from taking legislative and other measures to achieve land, water and related reform, in order to redress the results of past racial discrimination, provided that any departure from the provisions of this section is in accordance with the provisions of section 36 (1). We note that the government did make provision for such exceptions, however we reject it because there was no consultation when the constitution was drafted and as advocated for by international law.


The Indigenous First Nation People identity mutation and land dispossession, now protected by the constitution of South Africa has seen the struggle icons profoundly mute and our existence omitted, misplaced and miscarriage while the progressive voices are conspicuously tacit at a time when the land conversation as it pertains to our community has been energetic. The summit noted that the dialogue has been dominated by questionable voices. We acknowledge that in November 2004, Cabinet adopted a memorandum that would lead to an official policy on recognizing our “vulnerable indigenous communities”. The Traditional and KhoiSan Leadership Bill (2015) was supposed to gives effect to this decision, notwithstanding, the Bill is hopelessly inadequate and cannot meaningfully affirm our status as First Nation People of South Africa. The summit resolve is that the constitution is to be amended firstly to affirm the Khoe and San as First Nation People and that section 25 be removed because subsection 7 excludes the Khoe and San claim to land before 1913. We call on government to establish a Special Land Tribunal because the Indigenous First Nation People was deliberately sidelined at the pre-democracy settlement negotiations.

We call on the African National Congress to return to their historical memorable struggle credentials and meet the Khoe and San Leaders at the Round Table.


We thank you


/The End….     Issued by: Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa   (IFNASA)


27th April 2018


Land Summit Statement: I Am Because You Are                           



  1. We the Indigenous First Nation People (IFNP) in South Africa and Afrika, who attended the Khoe-San Land Summit at Kwa-Eden Hotel and Conference, in Johannesburg, Gauteng, South Africa declare before God and man that we are the Indigenous First Nation People (IFNP) of the Land called South Africa, the continent of Africa and the world.


  1. We have declared to address the injustices of the past, our Oppression and Dispossession, that we will struggle to liberate our motherland which gave birth to All Africans. We declare our right to freedom from colonialism, neo-colonialism, oppression, plunder and we stand against the violation of our rights to freedom, dignity and our humanness.


  1. We declare unapologetically and unambiguously that we have suffered at the hands of Colonialism, Capitalism (including the suffering at the hands of those who own Capital during colonialism, apartheid and the democratic dispensation) as the colonial forces plundered and extracted our wealth and resources and caused us pain through genocide, extermination, ethnocide and currently forced assimilation.


  1. We declare that the colonisers raped our land to build Europe and the colonial countries and that we demand redress and justice. We recognise and declare that the crime of colonialism and neo-colonialism be brought before the powers that be and that the British Crown, the Dutch and corporations like De Beers or the Oppenheimer’s and all other individuals/corporations who benefited unjustifiably from the wealth extracted from our land be held to account within a framework of restorative justice.


  1. We declare that our Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) are the property of the Indigenous First Nation People (IFNP) collectively and as such must remain the property of the Indigenous People and should be returned where they have been stolen, misappropriate or exploited and commoditised unjustly.


  1. We declare that we as the Indigenous First Nation People (IFNP) who have been dispossessed of the land be given back our rights over our land, in which we will fulfil the role as custodians of the world land and to use the Earth productively and address the rights to food security, medicine (health) and the dignity of life for all people of South Africa.


  1. We declare that the rights to water shall be protected through the values of Indigenous values and inherit within our indigenous values system and state of being. We declare that water is part and parcel of the ownership paradigm and this inclusive of the seas, air and should not be commodified and resold to people in general and the Indigenous First Nation People (IFNP) of South Africa in particular.


  1. We declare that the so called democratic dispensation has been unjust and discriminatory to the Indigenous First Nation People (IFNP) of the Earth by denying our indigeneity through the racist concept of “Black”, and less than African, and while we were made “other” in the land of our birth and the land of our ancestors.


  1. We declare that our people reject the state as a construct that has sold the rights of the Indigenous First Nation People (IFNP) to the British Crown in terms of the rights of rightful ownership of land in direct relation to the First People status and the rights of humanity to land as a human right.


  1. We reject the continued racism and neo-colonialism that forms part and parcel of the state instruments like Broad Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE), Employment Equity (EE), Affirmative Action (AA), access to finance, access to land and access to the sea, air and dignity because it excluded the First Nation People of South Africa.


  1. We reject with contempt the imperial division of Africa by colonial forces of oppression through the Berlin Conference of 1884 as such decision was taken by the coloniser and imposed with violence, without the consent of the Indigenous First Nation People (IFNP) of South Africa and this to divide and conquer us, as the imperial powers plundered Africa and impoverished all the indigenous peoples.


12. We declare that we will reclaim our humanness, our Africanness and our         indigeneity and our right to self-governance outside the false construct of the state.


  1. We declare that our people reject the state as an imposed body that governs us without our consent and is in congruence with the past colonisers, apartheid and the capitalist elites of the present.


  1. We declare that our demand for justice from the international institutions and bodies like the United Nations (UN), the International Criminal Courts (ICC), The African Union (AU) and the Indigenous Tribunals should be advocated widely without delay.


  1. We the Indigenous First Nation People (IFNP) declare that we are Human beings, Africans, Fathers and Mothers of Africa and believe in a human and spiritual existence that brings a better quality of life to all people, while bringing peace to society and protection of the earth including flora and fauna.


This Declaration is to be presented in the next six months to all the United Nations structures delegated with Indigenous Affairs, in line with UNDRIP.


Published by Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa (IFNASA)


Issued on behalf of: Khoe and San Land Summit

Khoi en San Land Beraad Persverklaring

Khoisan landsummit logo-01




9de April 2018  


Tema: “Herstel Ons Afrika-identiteit, deur Ons Land te herstel “




Die Grond Vraagstuk soos die Nasionale Vraagstuk bly geanimeerd en mystiserend. Hoe het dit gekom dat die Eerste Mense van die suidpunt van Afrika, wat volle besetting van Suid-Afrika gehad het, uiteindelik minder as 10% van die landmassa van 472,281 vierkante kilometer beset?

Suid-Afrika kruis die spreekwoordelike “Rubicon” weer. Dit is openbare kennis dat ons as ‘n land verskeie kruisings van geen terugkeer bereik het nie. Die landdebat is waarskynlik op die punt van ons land se oomblik van “Waarheid”. Suid-Afrika as ‘n nuwe demokrasie onthul onverklaarbare en verbasende teenstrydighede, kontras, krake, verskille, meningsverskille en ontkennings insluitend leuns. Die beoogde inklusiewe agenda gaande almal wat in die land woon en ‘n nie-rassige samelewing wat deur die eens indrukwekkende “Freedom Charter” gebruik word, bly die mees edele idees, ideale en progressiewe denkers weg.

Soos ons ondersoek in stel en die situasie ontleed in die historiese konteks van ons Inheemse Eerste Mense se Grondbeslissing, het dit uiters duidelik geword dat ‘n grimmige wanbestuur van geregtigheid sedert die demokratiese orde in Suid-Afrika voortduur. Die Khoena en San word na verwys as Suid-Afrika se Eerste Mense, aangesien ons voorvaders die Land “Voor” die aankoms van Nguni / Bantoe-mense bewoon het, wie ons erken as Inheemse Afrikane en deel van ons biologiese samestelling, insluitend die Europese afstammelinge wat nou genaturaliseerde Afrikane is. Die verslag van die Suid-Afrikaanse Menseregte Kommissie wat ‘n paar weke gelede vrygestel is deur mnr. Chris Nissen, is waarskynlik die grootste openbaring en regsverklaring van die ongeregtigheid teenoor ons mense, maar daar bly ‘n hoorbare stilte uit die magte leirs in die land. Suid-Afrika is in ‘n beslissende oomblik as gevolg van die Grond en die SA Menseregte Kommissie-verslag het ‘n premie op die land herstelprojek akkuraat geplaas.

Historiese dokumente en argiewe die wêreld oor is belaai met koloniale en apartheidsregime-ontneming wat dateer uit die uitbreiding van die Nederlandse koloniale nedersetting in die Kaap. Ons erken wel ook die verskillende ooreenkomste en verdrae, wat oorwegend die nedersettings bevoordeel het, wat in die daaropvolgende jare tussen die kolonialiste en die Khoe en San-leiers geteken is. Enkele dae gelede, op 6de April 2018, het ons 366 jaar gemerk sedert die inval van die berugte Hollandse Oos-Indiese Kompanjie wat Jan van Riebeeck gemagtig het om ‘n verversingsstasie vir hul skepe op te rig. Terugwerkend is die Land daarna in beslag geneem van die Khoe en San om Nederlandse weidings-weiveld te verhoog, hul boerdery-aktiwiteite uit te brei en om nedersettings te vestig. Geleidelik het die Nederlanders eensydig hul vangs van weidingsgebied verhoog wat inbreuk gemaak het op die Khoe en San Land, en het aanleiding gegee tot ernstige konflik tussen die groepe in oorloë wat in 1659-1660 en 1673-1677 geveg is.

Ons sal behoorlik na die geskiedenis moet kyk om by ‘n kontekstuele gevolgtrekking te kom met betrekking tot die Land Onteieningsdringende noodsaaklikheid. Spekulasies en veronderstelling is ons grootste vyand, en daarom moet die Khoi-San Land Beraad ons ‘n oomblik bied van vir ‘n Opvoedkundige Regs- en Beleidsraamwerk-formulering ewe vir die algemene verbruik deur die massas van ons mense. Dit mag nie abstrak en akademies bly nie, die jeug moet toegang hê tot die nuwe kennis wat geproduseer word sodat hulle die kreet van bevryding in die toekoms kan dra. Interessant genoeg, op 5 November 1654 weerspieël Van Riebeeck se dagboek: “Hierdie skurke is glad nie begeer om hul beeste en skape te deel nie, alhoewel hulle oorvloedige goeie voorraad het”, wat die duidelikste aanduiding was van ons mense se welvaartsposisie. Ons kyk noukeurig na hoe politieke akteurs en sosiale kommentators oor ons voorvaderlike land praat sonder om te noem hoe die onafhanklike bedeling deur die Suid-Afrikaanse Grondwet met wettige magtiging ons mense in artikel 25, subartikel 7, gediskwalifiseer het omdat dit alleenlik aan mense wat na 1913 wettige grondeise bied, terwyl die progressiewe leier kragte klankloos bly. As afstammelinge van die Khoe en San, wat sigbaar en waarneembaar die Landstitel ooral bekend gemaak het, wat “Rock Solid” oor hierdie land bly, bly ons merkwaardig geskok oor waarom die strydparagons nie so ‘n onmenslike voorwendsel en volksmoord teen die Eerste Nasie reggestel het nie, eienaars van die Land, deur ons onder ‘n valse identiteit te hou, genaamd “Kleurlinge”?

Dit is “onmoontlik” om oor grondherstel, hervorming, herverdeling en vergelding te praat sonder om na die eerste mense en hul identiteitsuitwissing te verwys. Hierdie misleiding en afbreking van mense wie die land voor Nguni / Bantoe-Afrika-inheemse migrasie en Europese aankoms in besit was, gebeur in die oë van die internasionale gemeenskap, met soveel mag en gesag om die regering te druk om die ILO 169 te bekragtig, dit bly verwarrend.

Geskiedenis gee ryklike rekeninge van ons Khoe-San-voorouers se rykdom in terme van beeste, natuurlike hulpbronne, vee en grond vir boerdery. Hulle het ‘n ryk en lewendige kultuur bewaar, terwyl hulle nooit onder enige omstandighede kon geskud word nie, maar vandag word ons gekonfronteer met die bedreiging van ‘n finale uitwissing, marginalisering, onderdrukking en die armste bevolking in Suid-Afrika, met ons identiteit verloor, erfenis duister, taalbeperking en kultuur na die periferie van die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing gestoot. In die bogenoemde konteks het die Inheemse Eerste Nasie-Voorspraak Suid-Afrika (IFNASA) dit progressief beskou om die eerste Khoe- en San-Land Berrad te organiseer om ons kollektiewe opinie uit te spreek oor die kompleksiteit van die landdiskoers. As iemand die Land moet eis, is dit ons. Daar is geen geskil oor hierdie feit nie. In toenemende mate stem alle politieke partye in die parlement, insluitend wit Afrikanerformasies, saam dat die San en Khoena die eerste bewoners van die Land was en daar is groot tekste beskikbaar om dit te bevestig. Wat sal Suid-Afrika doen om die onakkurate historiese verhale reg te stel? Wat sal die staat doen om die onreg, onbillikheid en ongelykheid reg te stel? Dit is ‘n oomblik van waarheid, Suid-Afrika, ons beveel jou aan, doen die regte ding. Onthou, ons is ook Afrikaners in besonder.

IFNASA het van die mees opvallende stemme en kritiese denkers uitgenooi na die Land Beraad, insluitend die Nasionale Khoi en San Raad, die Regering, Professor Ruth Hall van Poverty Land and Agrarian Studies (PLAAS), Mnr. Andile Mngxitama – President van Black First Land First (BLF), Kallie Kriel – Uitvoerende Hoof van AfriForum, Dr. Vuyokazi Mahlati – African Farmers Association of South Africa (AFASA) en Kommissaris Chris Nissen wat ook by die Suid Afrikaanse Menseregte Kommissie werk, en onder ander ewe belangrike sosiale kommentators en ontleders.

Welkom by die Khoi en San Land Beraad.

Die Khoi-San Land Beraad besonderhede is soos volg: Datums: 24ste tot 27ste April 2018, Provinsie Gauteng, 42 Walterstraat, Meredale, Johannesburg, Kwa-Eden Hotel, Tyd 08H30 Daagliks, Tema “Herstel ons Afrika-identiteit, deur ons Land te herstel “. Vir media om te reserveer stuur ‘n epos na –


Kontak: Nasionale Sameroeper  – Anthony Phillip Williams by 072 397 7726



Khoi and San Land Summit Press Release

PRESS STATEMENT Khoisan landsummit logo-01




9th April 2018




The Land Question like the National Question remains animated and mystifying. How did the First People of the most southern tip of Africa, who had full occupation of South Africa, end up occupying less than 10% of the Land mass size of 472,281 square miles?

South Africa is crossing the proverbial “Rubicon” again. It is public knowledge that we as a country reached various crossings of no return. The Land debate is arguably at the pinnacle of our countries moment of “Truth”. South Africa as a new democracy revealed inexplicable and curios contradictions, contrast, cracks, dissimilarities, disagreements and denials. The envisaged inclusive agenda of all who live in the country and a non-racial society espoused by the once impressive Freedom Charter certificate continue to evade the most noble ideas, ideals and progressive thinkers.

As we examine, research and analyse the historical context of our Indigenous First People’s Land Dispossession, it has become copiously clear that a grim miscarriage of justice persist in South Africa since the democratic order. The Khoena and San are referred to as South Africa’s First People since our ancestors inhabited the Land “Prior” to the arrival of Nguni/Bantu people, who we acknowledge as Indigenous Africans and part of our biological makeup, including the European descendants who are now naturalized Africans. The South African Human Rights report released a few weeks ago by Commissioner Chris Nissen is arguably the biggest revelation and legal attestation of the injustice against our people, yet there remains an audible silence from the powers that be. South Africa is in a defining moment because of the Land and the SAHRC report accurately placed a premium on the countries restoration project.

Historical accounts are fraught with colonial and apartheid regime dispossession which dates back to the expansion of the Dutch colonial settlement in the Cape. We also acknowledge the various agreements and treaties, predominantly favoring the settlers, which was signed between the colonist and the Khoe and San leaders in subsequent years. A few days ago, on the 6th April 2018 we marked 366 years since the invasion of the notorious Dutch East India Company who authorized Jan van Riebeeck to set up a refreshment station for their ships. Retrospectively, the Land was subsequently seized from the Khoe and San to increase Dutch grazing pastures, expansion of their farming activities and to establish settlements. Progressively, the Dutch unilaterally increased their capture of grazing territory which infringed on the Khoe and San Land, and gave rise to serious conflict between the groups in wars fought in 1659-1660 and 1673-1677 respectively.

We will have to look into the history to arrive at a contextual conclusion of substance in regards to the Land Expropriation imperative. Speculations and conjecture has been our greatest enemy, so the Khoi-San Land Summit must offer us a moment of Educated Legal and Policy Framework formulation equally for the general consumption by the masses of our people. It must not remain abstract and academic, the youth must be able to access the new knowledge produced so that they could carry the baton of liberation into the future. Interestingly, on the 5th November 1654 Van Riebeeck’s diary reflect: “These rogues are not at all keen to part with their cattle and sheep although they have an abundance of fine stock”, which was the clearest indication of our people’s wealth position.

We observe painstakingly, how political actors and social commentators talk about our ancestral Land without making mention of how the independent dispensation through the South African Constitution with legal authorization expelled and disqualified us in section 25 subsection 7 when it only offer legitimate Land claims after 1913, while the progressive forces remain soundless. As descendants of the Khoe and San, who visibly and perceptibly crafted the Land Title-deed, which remains “Rock Solid” across this country, we persist curiously as to why the struggle paragons failed to correct such an inhumane charade and genocide against the First People of the Land, by keeping us under a false identity called “Coloured”?

It is “Impossible” to talk about Land Restitution, Reform, Redistribution and Recompense without referring to the First People and their identity obliteration. All this deception and relegation of those who occupied the Land Prior Nguni/Bantu African Indigenous migration and European invasion in full view of the international community, with so much power and authority to pressure the government, into ratifying ILO 169, remains perplexing.

History gives generous accounts of our Khoe-San ancestors wealth in terms of cattle, natural resources, livestock and land for farming, which they maintained a rich and vibrant culture, while they could never be shaken by any circumstances, but today, we are facing the threat of a final extinction, marginalisation, oppression and the most poorest population in South Africa, with our identity lost, heritage obscure, language restrain and culture being pushed to the periphery of the South African society.

In the above context, the Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa (IFNASA) thought it progressive to organize the very first Khoe and San Land Summit to expressly start to voice our collective opinion on the complexity of the Land discourse. If anybody should “Claim” the Land, it’s us. There is No dispute on this fact. Increasingly, all political parties in parliament, including white Afrikaner formations agree that the San and Khoena were the First occupiers of the Land and there are vast tracks of texts available affirming it. What will South Africa do to correct the inaccurate historical narratives? What will the State do to correct the injustice, unfairness and inequality? This is a moment of Truth, South Africa we implore you, do the right thing. Remember, we too are Africans in Particular.

IFNASA invited some of the most noticeable voices and critical thinkers on the Land discourse in the country including the National Khoi and San Council, Government, Professor Ruth Hall from Poverty Land and Agrarian Studies (PLAAS), Mr. Andile Mngxitama President of Black First Land First (BLF), Kallie Kriel CEO of AfriForum, Dr. Vuyokazi Mahlati – African Farmers Association of South Africa (AFASA), and Commissioner Chris Nissen amongst other equally important social commentators and analyst. Welcome to the Khoi-San Land Summit.

The Khoi-San Land Summit Details are as follows: Dates: 24th – 27th April 2018

Province of Gauteng, Venue 42 Walter Street, Meredale, Johannesburg, Kwa-Eden Hotel Time 08H30 Daily, Theme “Restore Our African Identity, by Restoring Our Land”. RSVP:


Contact: National Convener – Anthony Phillip Williams on 072 397 7726



Blog at

Up ↑