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Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa

THE PEOPLE LIBERATE THEMSELVES

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Our Consciousness is Broken

Con Court

 

 

INDIGENOUS FIRST NATION ADVOCACY SOUTH AFRICA MEDIA STATEMENT

SECTIONS OF THE ELECTORAL ACT DECLARED UNCONSTITUTIONAL

 

Our Consciousness is Broken

 

The genetic fabric and moral make-up of South Africa is Broken.

 

It took us a while to release this statement because we tried to understand the judgment and its implication. Many asked what benefit the ConCourt judgment will have on the lives of ordinary citizens and especially the First Nation People (Classified as Coloured) who continue to be violated on their ancestral land. As a founding member of the New Nation Movement, IFNASA demonstrated our commitment to rewrite the wrongs of colonialism, apartheid, and the miscarriage of justice since democracy was introduced over twenty-six years ago. We hope that the victory will become clearer in the next few provincial and national elections.
The Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa (IFNASA) and others, in our Constitutional Court challenge and the subsequent victory fundamentally serve a diversity of curative, remedial, and healing measures, which is long outstanding. Those who ushered the general populace into the democratic epoch, decided to be overly reliant on the colonial and apartheid styled policies and socio-economic technology and the consequences are disturbing, if we consider the preservation of spatial planning, racial categorization and the pervasive economic flow which stubbornly continue its direction away from the masses of the country. The new dispensation architects, instead of imagining an African society linked to the constitutional value system, deeply rooted in our human authenticity, unpardonably copied extravagantly and wastefully from those who oppressed us and the evidence are glaringly visible when you walk the wasteland called city streets in the metros of the country and when we peep into the political administration of society, particularly the unresponsiveness of the education system, the social safety-net which boast more than seventeen millions grant recipients on a monthly basis and the financial powerlessness of the citizens generally. These realities made us realized as ordinary citizens that the inborn fabric of our humanity is wrecked and unless we offer agency and the re-imagination of our society, collectively we are condemned.

The stubbornness not to recognize the First People who occupied the territory called South Africa today is symptomatic of confounded or confused humanity, broken consciousness, and we as South Africans must refuse to participate in the continued amnesia suffered by the engineers of our democracy. It is imperative that we acknowledge the First People of the land in the constitution of the country because the principles of first are one of the best ways to reverse-engineer the complex difficulties we experience as a country, while the recognition holds the potential of unleashing the creative possibility of this country. It is said, “reasoning from first principles,” the idea is to break down complicated problems into basic elements and then reassemble them from the ground up. The current situation demands that South Africa go back to the foundation and build from the ground up, because in our unassuming estimation the continued violation of the ‘First’ law, brings with it an unimaginable calamity. The Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa call upon South Africans to help restore those who were on the land ‘First’ so that we all could find peace and our rightful place under the South African sun.

The Judgment

Conceivably, we are elated by the outcome because our constitution has partially proven not just an abstract or intellectual document, as the Constitutional Court Judges affirmed in case number CCT110/19, it is a living organism who derives its lifeforce and essence from the prudency of the Justices. It has not a superlative, but a real existence; and wherever it cannot produce in a visible form, there is none. Our constitution is an entity antecedent to our government, and the government is only the creation of the constitution. The constitution of our country is not the act of our government, but of the expression of the people constituting the government. It is the body of elements, to which you can refer, and quote article by article; and which contains the prescripts and principles on which the government is established, the manner in which it is organized, the powers it has, the mode of elections, the duration of Parliaments, or by what other name such bodies may be called; the powers through which the executive part of the government exist; and in fine, everything that relates to the complete establishment of our civil government, and the principles to which we are bound. Our constitution, therefore, is to the government what the laws made afterward by that government are to a court of judicature.

Notwithstanding, the same constitution is equally the ‘most ambiguous’ piece of law which contradicts its own founding statements in Chapter 1 of the South African constitution when it mentions that the: “…The Republic of South Africa”, defines South Africa as “One, sovereign, democratic state” and lists the country’s founding values as ‘Human dignity, the Achievement of Equality and the Advancement of Human Rights and Freedoms’. Non-racialism and non-sexism.” Yet the same constitution discriminates against the First Nation People who occupied the land called South Africa in Section 25 subsection 7 where prohibits us to claim land we lost before 1913. In this context, the constitution of the country perpetually fails to provide Human Dignity, Equality, and Justice for those who continue to be wrongly Classified Coloureds.

The court of judicature does not make the laws, neither can it alter them; it only acts in conformity to the laws made, and the government is in like manner governed by the constitution. We need to impress upon the legislators in parliament to correct the injustice.

Refreshingly, the Con-Court of South Africa in one sense opened up the political space, when they agreed with us that ‘accountability’ in the current political dispensation is burdened generally with self-interest and self-serving political personas, with very little to no grasp of the hurt and anguish they inflict on South Africans.

We submitted to the court the following and we quote from the judgment: “What is now before us is the application for leave to appeal (the Western Cape High Court decision).  It concerns the question of whether, to the extent that it allows individuals to be elected to the National Assembly and Provincial Legislatures only through membership of political parties, the Electoral Act is constitutional.  Put differently, does this channeling to membership of political parties infringe certain rights enjoyed under the Bill of Rights by individuals or, more specifically, would-be independent candidates?”

There is both an intrinsic and influential value to the application and judgment, while we are convinced that history will be generous with those who had the courage to arrest the unbearable callousness meted against unsuspecting citizens. Essentially, the court challenge was about the impunity with which generally speaking, the state and its functionaries are maladministering the affairs of the nation and the negligence to hold those who scarph accountable for the misappropriation of public resources. The judgment is therefore treasured to the extent that it restores the conception of active citizenry, elevates the importance of both participatory and direct democracy, manifested in the people’s liberty to be represented by the most deserving public representatives and bureaucrats.

A robust belief of freedom includes the freedom from constant and intrusive government failure to deliver services to its citizens, when we scrutinize the auditor general’s reports yearly, while political actors continue to fail in creating enabling environment where the letter and the spirit of constitutionality are affirmed so that the past injustices could be dealt a decisive blow. From this VantagePoint, the continuous constitutional violation by the Electoral Act post-1999 was objectionable for the simple fact that the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) was undertaking elections with no license constitutionally speaking, assaulting the protection and privilege offered by the constitution.

This aspect of the protection of our rights in the judgment highlights the pernicious effects of democracy, rather than the inherent greatness of the collective African people. Encroachments on individual privacy to represent their community clearly undermine the thoughtfulness of the constitutional developers as far as political representation is concerned.

Independents Candidates

We are exploring the concept of Independent Candidates as a way to spice up politics and political accountability, clearly lacking in the current political environment. IFNASA with its alliance partners is fully conscious about the concerns as far as Independent candidates are concerned. IFNASA cannot support anyone who wants to ascend to political office based merely on insulting other political formations. We firmly believe that anyone who aspires political office needs to have ‘Substantive Alternative Political Offering’ as far as our social construct is a concern and particularly a viable economic system. We would like to invite especially those espousing political office, those with unpopular viewpoints, those who are tired of the injustice of being side-lined or overlooked, to consider Independent candidates as a potential alternative. A new platform of accountable and responsive servant leaders.  We call you to Action South Africans. Remember, IFNASA remains a cultural advocacy platform, which must remain non-partisan. However, we will continue to influence the political discourse because of the reckless politicians and an uncaring State.

“Restore the First Nation People of South Africa, so that everyone can be Restored”.

 

 

End….

 

 

Issued by

 

Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa

http://www.ifnasa.co.za

29h July 2020

066 250 4948

The Serious Neglect of “Classified Coloured” People in South Africa

 

Chapter 1

 

Title – The Pain is Real, ‘Classified Coloureds’ remain intentionally Oppressed
Mandela Day has no significance or value to our community!

 

On Monday 20th July 2020, it would be exactly two (2) years since Premier David Makhura’s admission that Classified Coloureds are ‘Neglected’ in the Gauteng province, retrospectively, this is a national reality, stone me if you will, but we dare not turn a blind eye in full view of the democratic world. Let me qualify, I say Classified Coloured because we did not call ourselves by this label and the deep historical meaning is even more heinous (dreadful, horrible), but that we will discuss in a future chapter. The Premier made his ’Neglect’ admission at the ANC’s provincial conference of that year, yet embarrassingly as we look back over the last two years, nothing changed in our communities, so the reality is that we are left on our own. The Covid-19 pandemic has not done us any favours either, infect it worsen our situation because we are simply overlooked even for the most menial tasks if we consider that the majority of our people who applied for the opportunities to administer Covid-19 tasks at schools in Gauteng were simply side-lined. My intention with this volume is ‘Not’ to bash the Ruling Party, no, I want us to have a sober and honest assessment of the Premier’s personal admission, against the ruling party’s and the late President Nelson Mandela’s declarations of equality and justice on the tenth year of the Mandela Day celebrations. My modest opinion is that Mandela Day has very little significance to those who are Classified Coloured if at all it has real meaning. Many in our community will participate out of sheer respect for Madiba, but there is no substantive value attached to the activities because we were lied to and kept under a false identity, while they intentionally and deliberately cut-off the socio-economic umbilical cord. I will state it categorically, any politician or critic who spends their energy badmouthing other political parties do not have anything to offer, so why would we follow them? I am not suggesting that we should not criticize, it is imperative that we do, but we must be measured in our castigation. So, this is my critical assessment of the status of our People and community.
Allow me to quote Premier Makhura when he said that‚ in his position as head of the province: “I have come across Indisputable Evidence of Serious Neglect by our government and ‘Under-Investment’ in the (Classified) Coloured communities of our province. This neglect has far-reaching consequences‚” he said. Please note, the operative words are “Indisputable, Serious and Neglect”, that means he has empirical evidence which made him come to the conclusion. We have been accused of being racist, counter-revolutionary and even accused that we ‘Resist Transformation’, whatever that means. It is absurd to say that we resist transformation, I continue to ask, ‘what are we supposed to transform too?’ Are we not Africans, in the real meaning of being African?

So, my question to the Premier, the ANC, DA and to the general populace is: “What has changed Materially for those who are Classified Coloured in the province and the country?” I ask this question in light of the countless complaints we receive from our people across the country and have to deal with as IFNASA and the Gauteng Shut-down Coordinating Committee (GSCC), soon to transform into an economic platform.
I want to present a case study and use someone I know personally and worked with as a youthful activist during apartheid. I am focusing on this colleague because she was personally connected to Nelson Mandela and I always wondered what their discussions were like when they were talking about the Classified Coloured People. So, as we reflect on the status of the Classified Coloured People, she is best placed to help us unpack the contradictions, ambiguities, and paradoxes in the context of an imaginary democracy. The ANC deputy secretary-general Jessie Duarte and I have been friends for more than thirty years. She was one of the people who schooled me politically and exposed me to the injustices that we suffered at the time. We used to be in the same ANC branch. Way back then it was not called the ANC, it used to be called the ‘Riverlea Youth Congress’ or RYCO. By the way, I did not know I was involved in the ANC at the outset, I only saw the injustice, that compelled me to get involved. The organization was a formidable and passionate youth movement who did exceptional community work. Those who are from Riverlea Extension and Riverlea (in Johannesburg) will be able to attest to the work we were involved in. I remember that we use to operate the Clinic in Riverlea Ext and many evenings when pharmacists did not attend, we personally dispensed medicine with not one mistake ever reported. I was one of those who operated the clinic with leaders like Conrad Jardine, Jacky Jonkers, Donovan Cloete, Ignatius Jacobs, Patrick Flusk, Nicolette Flusk (use to be Van Wyk) Cynthia Stols, Loretta Jacobs, Shaun Van Wyk, Tyrone Biekies, Ernest Van Zyl, Ashley Abrahams, Curty Abrahams, Vanessa Abrahams, Bella, Jessie Duarte and so many others. These were committed Comrades who sacrificed their lives and family security during those rootless apartheid days, yet largely or generally speaking, their offerings are ignored and reduced to ‘Not Africans in Particular’. I remember the sacrifice of Cecil Petersen (aka De Funk) made especially when the Military Police caught us during our usual campaign preparations. Cee as I call him had the guitar with him, which we used to explain that we just came from a youth meeting. That guitar saved us. So, I can give you countless stories of how we were active in the struggle yet we have ‘nothing’ to show for it. So, the Mandela Day activities remind us that we are back in the trenches and that we need to spend our time educating our youth about the current injustice we are faced with, proudly brought to us by the comrades we fought with and democracy.
I remember, more than eighteen years ago I started telling Jessie and the late Ignatius Jacobs (former GM of Luthuli House, ANC Headquarters) that the ANC has abandoned or deserted the Classified Coloureds and that we are deliberately left outside of all socio-economic development. They did not take me seriously and that is when I distinguished that we would have to do something about our economic disposition. So, the admission by David Makhura is weighty and must be taken seriously. I must admit that Jessie Duarte has made a noteworthy about-turn in the last few years. If you read newspapers of 2018 it becomes apparent that Jessie is seriously fighting dangerous demons within her political party. I’m not an apologist for Jessie, but before you spew venom, please consider the following, in a speech in Soweto last year she accused the ruling party of being “Tribalistic and Racist” for “Marginalising” its members who are not Black Africans”. I personally have a serious issue with the term ‘Black’ and the fact that we don’t understand the identification of African. Personally, there are ‘No Black’ people, it nonsensical to identify human beings on the basis of colour, because the imperialist used these colours to subdue and dominate Africans of different ethnic grouping. So, we need to clean up our memory and our history because its fallacious (meaning misleading). I said it before, ‘African’ is Not a Colour. Historically, I understand it use to refer to the Bantu-Nguni people, however, we need to fix these contradictions.
Nevertheless, Duarte made her statement within the context of the “(Classified) Coloured community” which, she said, is “kept out of the ANC at all costs and one or two are put in as tokens”. This is a serious admittance from Jessie, if you know her as I do, it must have taken a lot of courage to make these truthful observations. You might still want to stone her, but we have to contextualize the extent of the tribalistic tendencies within the ANC and other political parties like the DA who want to keep the top positions in the hand of Classified Whites, while they use our people to secure their political base; the EFF who blatantly keep Classified Coloureds at bay and away from any meaningful position, including the IFP and UDM. None of these political parties trusts us enough for the top position, so it seems that we will perpetually remain in this racial and tribalistic bubble. A few months ago, Jessie once more castigated her political colleague, the Mayor of Welkom who’s surname (Speelman) suggest that he is a ‘Man who is Playfully’ especially considering the remarks he made about Classified Coloured People of Bronville in April 2020 and then more recently, 7th July 2020 the criticism she launched against the ruling when she mentioned that: “There’s Racism in the ANC”.

 

If we are to seriously consider the multiple criticisms Jesse Duarte launched ‘alone’ against her party, my questions are: “Should we take her seriously? Should we support her? Where are the other Classified Coloured Leaders within the ANC? Where are the other Classified Coloured Leaders in all the other political parties, why are they not publicly speaking out against the marginalization and oppression of the Classified Coloured People in South Africa? Are the paycheque and the political position more important than your conviction for equality and justice for all? Why should Classified Coloured People trust you or your political party? Why are Classified Coloured Leaders not actively helping us regain our Identity, Language, Culture and Heritage? Why do they keep Silent?” It is simply inconceivable that we support people who do not take us seriously. I stumbled upon this volume because I am busy putting the final touches to a New Economic Strategy (NES) for the GSCC which could potentially assist our community and South African’s out of the Economic mess that we all find ourselves in. So, again, Mandela Day does hold any tangible value to the Classified Coloured People and to our communities because we are the only people dispossessed by the constitution of the country. Section 25 subsection 7 ensures continuously that we do not lay claim to our ancestral land when it says we cannot claim land taken before 1913, so how can we trust the comrades, how can we trust democracy and how can we celebrate Mandela Day? We must use this day to educate our community and must tell them that we are not ‘Free’ and it will cost us ‘everything’ if we want to achieve Liberty. We are ‘Seriously Neglected’ as admitted by Makhura, infect all political formations are complicit, while the time to Rise-Up and Reclaim your Identity is Now.

 

Amase!

 

 

End….

 

Hopefully, this volume gave you new perspective and reason to join us gain total freedom. Please respond and offer your observation of what our people endure in SA. Chapter 2 will follow soonest. You cannot complain, while you do nothing. I challenge you to each get ten (10) people to join IFNASA and #TakeYourPowerBack. To join the movement email us at indigenousfirstnationadvocacy@gmail.com #HieRukDieDing

 

Amase!

 

Anthony Phillip Williams

18th July 2020

www.ifnasa.co.za

 

 

 

 

 

Are we All African Indigenous?

8th July 2020

 

A Voice from the Grave

 

Part 2

 

What a Mess!

 

I am absolutely perplexed (confused) today.

 

Reading the heading ‘ANC riddled with racism – Duarte’ in ‘The Citizen’  on 6th July 2020, I felt relieved and experience a sense of vindication. We as activists for the total liberation of South Africa, with a particular focus on the Classified Coloured People, descendants of the Khoe and San, who continue to be oppressed in a democratic order were called ‘Racist, Counterrevolutionaries the absurd accusation that we (Classified Coloureds) Resist Transformation’ by some ANC leaders in Gauteng. Resist Transformation means that we must undergo Transformation and the question is, ‘To what must we be transformed too?’ The amount of contradictions or paradoxes in policies, regulation, governance including the law has reduced our people to mere spectators as far as the socio-economic activity is concerned. All the racial slurs and majoritarian domination simply make it impossible for us to find the historical ‘Facts and Truth’ of our existence amidst a host of defamation and identity attacks. A number of unthinkable revelations once more confirmed that South Africa stubbornly refuses to uproot the ties to colonial and apartheid policies, law-making, discrimination and ‘othering’ of African Indigenous people, of course, African Indigenous identification is now a contested ideology if we correctly analyse and scrutinize the unintelligent comments of legislators. We need to urgently break the mould of racial categorization and racial castigation if we are going to pass on a healthy society to the future, nevertheless, keep on reading this communication and offer your thoughts. The confusing messaging in the corridors of power by both academia and politicians necessitates that we ‘#RethinkSA’ and decolonize our thought-processing, far beyond our own prejudices because there is way too much historical and cultural conjecture (speculation).

The current situation reminds me of a particular voice which continues to speak loudly in my consciousness, as I’m trying to help develop a new liberation trajectory (route) for us to travel, away from the ill-fated racial misunderstanding we currently find ourselves in as South Africans and especially those who are Classified Coloured. The Voice from the Grave is non-other than Dr Leonard Martin which speaks gaudier (louder) now more than ever before when he asked the questions: “…are we All African Indigenous? Where are we actually heading?”

I was reminded by a friend Bulelani Mkohliswa (Leader of the New Nation Movement) of a conversation the late prolific mind, Dr Leonard Martin introduced in early March 2017 where he was asking the question to a group of Khoe-San leaders, open quote “Leadership: Kindly clarify to me the meaning of the new term introduced in Phillip’s (Anthony Williams) interview on SABC: that we are all “African-Indigenous”. Is this a term we can embrace uncritically? What are the consequences to the Khoi-San discourse? I need clarification? Have we abandoned Khoi-San history? Are (we) introducing new terminology as part of “engagement” and readiness to “negotiate”? Where are we actually heading????” These were all heavy and loaded questions and I need to respond to the voice from the grave.

I cannot remember if I responded comprehensively to his critical analysis as far as our (Classified Coloured) identity is concerned. Nevertheless, I thought it imperative or critically to respond to his concerns at this juncture since I read the very intriguing and complex comments by Jesse Duarte, Deputy Secretary-General of the ANC in the newspaper when she mentioned that ‘…racism is still embedded within the ANC because some of its leading members still continue to pre-judge certain racial groups believing they benefitted from the apartheid past.’ Jesse said: ”The marginalization of Non-Africans (my interest) is a challenge in the ANC”. The reference to ‘Non-Africans’ is not only controversial but perplexing too. The reference Non-African has a historical context and we should appreciate it in its full framework. It is interesting to read that Jesse also struggles with these controversial labelling in post-apartheid and we can clearly perceive that she is having big contestation within her own party, because she made similar observations in November and December 2019.

Historically, when it was referred to Africans, it was always an identification to those of Bantu-Nguni descent. I will not say ‘Black’ because politically, we are all supposed to be Black. So, the government policies which focuses on ‘Blacks in general, but Africans in Particular’ is now effective thrown a curveball (something which is unexpected, surprising, or disruptive), that means it has no legal standing and the discrimination against Classified Coloured People is legally unjustified and against the Bill of Rights which states ‘everyone is Equal before the law and has the right to Equal Protection and Benefit of the law.’ I must confess that I do not entirely subscribe to the constitution because it is the source of our oppression and we will discuss it in the subsequent communique. Classifying people into arbitrary races of Coloured, Black, or White is stereotyping. Every group is essentially very diverse, and by lumping people as different as the Zulu, Xhosa, Venda, Twana and Coloured under the single heading “Blacks” disregards the wealth of their cultures and it ignores the differences between their historical encounters with colonialism and apartheid. Our identity, cultures, languages, and heritage has been stripped of us, so calling everyone ‘Black’ is a miscarriage of cultural justice.

Personally, I do not subscribe to the colour labelling of Africans because it’s a colonial invention and I will not give it credibility by calling myself Coloured or others Black or White. These are all contested ideologies as it should be and it needs our collective denunciation. When I presented on the ‘Land’ question in parliament on the 11th September 2018, I heard a similar argument from Floyd Shivambu questioning me on why Khoe and San want to divide African people. I was shocked because whenever the EFF or other politicians make reference to Africans, it ‘always’ means Buntu-Nguni, we are ‘never’ included. So, I have great difficulty excepting the notion that the Khoe and San or Classified Coloureds are Non-Africans, its nonsensical. It’s important to understand that African is ‘Not’ a race, it’s an identification of people’s geographical location, not their ethnicity or skin colour. It is said that when you are born in Africa, Africa is also born in you and so the love affair with your native country commences. Moreover, being African seems to be more than simply a coincidence of birth, it is a conscious choice too. The dictionary defines an African as – adjective – of or relating to Africa or its Peoples, Languages, or Cultures – noun – A native or inhabitant of Africa, A person of African ancestry. If African refer to Bantu-Nguni in South Africa only, what about the rest of the people on the continent?

If we argue that Non-Africans are Bantu-Nguni’s exclusively, where are we from, are we not from Africa? We must begin to grapple with history, the historical gaps, the misinformation, and blatant false fabrication of our history as Classified Coloureds and the collective correction of South Africa and African history. If we are Non-African, as academia and politicians are suggesting, which continent are we from? How did we get to Africa? Logic dictates, that if someone is from a particular continent, that person is identified by the geographical location they originate. So, unmistakable, the Khoe and San or Classified Coloureds are African Indigenous because they are historically located in Africa, but particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. Once again, being African has nothing to do with your racial construct, civilization, or the colour of your skin, it has to do with geographical space.

So, I would like to take this opportunity and assure the ‘Voice from the Grave’ that we will never abandon our activism until the Khoe and San (Classified Coloureds) are equally free and completely restored. We have an obligation to teach the full history to everyone who cares about Justice, Fairness and Equality.

 

Anthony Phillip Williams

Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa (IFNASA)

www.ifnasa.co.za

 

 

The Writing is on the Walls of South Africa, Justice is inevitable!

 

13th June 2020

Case number 110/19 is done and dusted and we are back at the ‘Drawing Board’. We all know that the Traditional and KhoiSan Leadership Act 2020 which is supposed to give recognition to the First Nation, is Unconstitutional! You cannot recognize the People of the Land in an Act but you recognize those who found us here, is recognized in the constitution of the country, it absurd to put it mildly. Policies like Broad Based Black Economic Empowerment, (BBBEE), Affirmative Action (AA) and Employment Equity leaves much to be desired. Infect, these policies are clearly aimed at excluding the Classified Coloureds in particular. So, President the next few court cases are in the Melting Pot. A case of discrimination, meaning Identity and Land loss is in the furnace for purity to be extracted.

The writing is on the Walls of South Africa for all to see that the Injustice towards the First Nation People, wrongly Classified as Coloureds and the misery of fellow Bantu-Nguni Africans continue to suffer will not be tolerated any longer.

While busy with extensive research for the next few Constitutional Court cases, I stumbled upon a humbling reference to a case I submitted to the Con-Court on 23rd September 2016, used for analogy by former Constitutional Court Justice Edwin Cameron. If you have time, please read the following extract from a judgment – Daniels v Scribante and Another (CCT50/16) [2017] ZACC 13; 2017 (4) SA 341 (CC); 2017 (8) BCLR 949 (CC) (11 May 2017).

My excitement is based in both the fact that a sitting Justice would use my submission in his analysis and equally that he clearly anticipated that the case will be coming back to court for adjudication. It is most rewarding to read that he chastised me for being untidy or as he put it, ‘incomplete’, but that he equally concurred with some of what I submitted. Remember, sat down over four and a half months to write the case, and it must noted that I am not a legal eagle or a paralegal.  This clearly is a ‘Double portion Blessing’. I will give you a concise extract, here it follows:

“[150] All these cautions apply here.  An application that recently confronted this Court underscores them vividly.  An organisation styled the Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa (IFNASA) lodged an application for direct access.[173]  The applicants said they spoke on behalf of “our communities also known as Boesman, KhoiKhoi or the collective labels KhoiSan (so-labelled Coloureds)”.  Their articulated demands included affirmation as an indigenous first nation; the restoration of their land rights; the repeal of the Traditional and Khoi-San Leadership Bill, 2015; and the end of racism “against the Indigenous First Nation in the context of ‘Blacks but Africans in Particular’” in what they termed the context of government’s “decadent past fabricated identities”.

[151] By order dated 16 November 2016, the Court dismissed the application.  It was not in the interests of justice to hear it “at this stage because the Traditional and Khoi-San Leadership Bill, 2015 is still before Parliament, and the applicants have failed to show that they will have no effective remedy if the legislation is enacted”.

[152] Why all this?  To make an obvious point: that some of the very issues my colleagues have written about may yet come before this Court.  That application is one example.  And it invites an obvious caution, not only judicially, for what we have yet to decide, but more generally, about the perils of writing history.  Indeed, the Court’s very power to influence what the application calls our country’s “collective historical narrative” suggests a diffident approach, and a light footfall.

 

[153] And yet, despite all this – despite the caution, despite the perils, despite their partiality and incompleteness – I concur in both expositions.  I concur because the two

judgments do vital work at an important time in our country – a time of angry rhetoric and intransigent attitudes, whose perils exceed those of history and the frailties of its telling.

[154] The first and second judgments remind us all – and remind white people in particular, people like me, lawyers who grew up with the benefits, both accumulated and immediate, of their skin colour in a society that deliberately set out to privilege them, white people who are still the majority in the profession and probably still the majority readers of these reports – that the past is not done with us; that it is not past; that it will not leave us in peace until we have reckoned with its claims to justice.

[155] When important things are being said, when insufficiently heard truths are being spoken, it is bad to hide behind the indeterminacies of history and the inevitable incompleteness and partiality of its telling.  I concur in both the first and the second judgments.” …. CAMERON J

We would like to call upon everyone who would like to support the project of ‘Restoring the First Nation and Restoring Justice’ to inbox me or call me and make your contributions. We need different measures of support, so feel free to come forward as we design the New Nation where the First Nation is affirmed.

 

The Writing is on the Walls of South Africa, Justice is inevitable!

Anthony Phillip Williams

Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa (IFNASA)

New Nation Movement (NNM)

066 250 4948

www.ifnasa.co.za

The Writing is on the Walls of South Africa, Justice is inevitable!

 

13th June 2020

Case number CCT110/19 is done and dusted and we are back at the ‘Drawing Board’. We all know that the Traditional and KhoiSan Leadership Act 2019 which is supposed to give recognition to the First Nation, is Unconstitutional! Our initial argument is that its unthinkable to receive recognition for the People of the Land in an Act, but you recognize those who found us here, they are recognized in chapter 12 of the constitution of the country, it is absurd to put it mildly. Policies like Broad Based Black Economic Empowerment, (BBBEE), Affirmative Action (AA) and Employment Equity leaves much to be desired. Infect, these policies are clearly aimed at excluding the Classified Coloureds in particular. So, President the next few court cases are in the Melting Pot. A case of discrimination, meaning Identity and Land loss is in the furnace for purity to be extracted.

The writing is on the Walls of South Africa for all to see that the Injustice towards the First Nation People, wrongly Classified as Coloureds and the misery of fellow Bantu-Nguni Africans who continue to suffer in this democracy, will not be tolerated any longer.

While busy with extensive research for the next few Constitutional Court cases, I stumbled upon a humbling reference to a case I submitted to the Con-Court on 23rd September 2016, used for analogy by former Constitutional Court Justice Edwin Cameron. If you have time, please read the following extract from a judgment – Daniels v Scribante and Another (CCT50/16) [2017] ZACC 13; 2017 (4) SA 341 (CC); 2017 (8) BCLR 949 (CC) (11 May 2017).

My excitement is based in both the fact that a sit-in Justice would use my submission in his analysis and equally that he clearly anticipated that the case will be coming back to the highest court for adjudication. It is most rewarding to read that he chastised me for being untidy or as he put it, ‘incomplete’, but that he equally concurred with some of what I submitted. Remember, I sat down over a four and a half months period, writing the case and it must be noted that I am not a legal eagle nor a paralegal.  This discovery is clearly a ‘Double portion Blessing’. I will give you a concise extract, here it follows:

“[150] All these cautions apply here.  An application that recently confronted this Court underscores them vividly.  An organisation styled the Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa (IFNASA) lodged an application for direct access.[173]  The applicants said they spoke on behalf of “our communities also known as Boesman, KhoiKhoi or the collective labels KhoiSan (so-labelled Coloureds)”.  Their articulated demands included affirmation as an indigenous first nation; the restoration of their land rights; the repeal of the Traditional and Khoi-San Leadership Bill, 2015; and the end of racism “against the Indigenous First Nation in the context of ‘Blacks but Africans in Particular’” in what they termed the context of government’s “decadent past fabricated identities”.

[151] By order dated 16 November 2016, the Court dismissed the application.  It was not in the interests of justice to hear it “at this stage because the Traditional and Khoi-San Leadership Bill, 2015 is still before Parliament, and the applicants have failed to show that they will have no effective remedy if the legislation is enacted”.

[152] Why all this?  To make an obvious point: that some of the very issues my colleagues have written about may yet come before this Court.  That application is one example.  And it invites an obvious caution, not only judicially, for what we have yet to decide, but more generally, about the perils of writing history.  Indeed, the Court’s very power to influence what the application calls our country’s “collective historical narrative” suggests a diffident approach, and a light footfall.

 

[153] And yet, despite all this – despite the caution, despite the perils, despite their partiality and incompleteness – I concur in both expositions.  I concur because the two

judgments do vital work at an important time in our country – a time of angry rhetoric and intransigent attitudes, whose perils exceed those of history and the frailties of its telling.

[154] The first and second judgments remind us all – and remind white people in particular, people like me, lawyers who grew up with the benefits, both accumulated and immediate, of their skin colour in a society that deliberately set out to privilege them, white people who are still the majority in the profession and probably still the majority readers of these reports – that the past is not done with us; that it is not past; that it will not leave us in peace until we have reckoned with its claims to justice.

[155] When important things are being said, when insufficiently heard truths are being spoken, it is bad to hide behind the indeterminacies of history and the inevitable incompleteness and partiality of its telling.  I concur in both the first and the second judgments.” …. CAMERON J

We would like to call upon everyone who would like to support the project of ‘Restoring the First Nation and Restoring Justice for All’ to inbox me or call me and make your contributions. We need different measures of support, so feel free to come forward as we design the New Nation where the First Nation is affirmed.

 

The Writing is on the Walls of South Africa, Justice is inevitable!

Anthony Phillip Williams

Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa (IFNASA)

New Nation Movement (NNM)

066 250 4948

www.ifnasa.co.za

The People Took Their Power Back

IFNASA Media Update
11th June 2020
What a historic and Sweet Victory!!!
The country and especially our community who has been left been behind, can now find their own Voice and allow those most competent and sincere to lead our communities political, social and economic affairs. We are not calling for segregation or separation, but we have always argued for inclusion as people who are Classified as Coloureds.
South Africans cannot begin to imagine the excitement in the camp of the New Nation Movement and Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa (IFNASA). We would like to take this opportunity and express our sincere appreciation to a multitude of people who were religiously supporting both the organizations and our efforts. We will soon release a full list of those people and companies who were instrumental in our endeavors and particular the success we collectively achieve today. It is indeed a sobering moment. South Africa potentially be a much better place after this Judgement, on condition that we all work together, while the majority ensure the inclusion of the First Nation of South Africa. Remember, we all have to work hard to make it a great Nation and an Equal Nation. As First Nation, we need our Identity and Land back. It is now more possible.
The majority of South Africans still does not understand the implications of the judgement, but you can ask politicians, they know. To those unscrupulous politicians, this Judgement is the Final Nail in their Coffin. We have just assisted South Africans with getting rid of the corrupt individuals, nepotism and marginalization. We just managed to strip corruption of its ‘Perceived Power’. The People Took Their Power Back.
Case number CCT110/19 is done and dusted.
We will be on Newsroom Africa at 21:15pm tonight. Join the conversations. Join IFNASA www.ifnasa.co.za and Join www.newnation.org.za
Full Press Statement to be released once we have studied the Judgement.
Again, thanks
Kei Gangangs
Anthony Phillip Williams
066 250 4948
Shaun Khaeb MacDonald
078 707 5452
Issued by:
Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa (IFNASA)

*Speelman Unveiled the Real Racist South African DNA*

*IFNASA Media Release*

 

*10th April 2020*

 

*Speelman Unveiled the Real Racist South African DNA*

 

*The throbbing and traumatic attack on the Identity of those Classified as Coloureds is honestly a bitter and sweet revelation.*

 

As we were following the onslaught on the now-suspended Welkom Executive Mayor, Nkosinjani Speelman, we realized the incomplete democratic transition and deep-seated racism running within the African people’s veins.

Notwithstanding, we need to urgently place the Mayor’s vulgarity and dehumanizing of those Classified as Coloureds under the microscope. We say Classified Coloured because we did not identify ourselves by that name as it will become clearer in this article. We must be honest with ourselves as far as the label ‘Boesman’ or ‘Bushman’ is concerned. Critically, our analysis will show that self-referential terms are problematic and mind-boggling, especially if we consider the personal preference of the label Boesman amongst the ≠Khomani San of the Kalahari. My personal encounter with the southern Kalahari ≠Khomani San is that they have appropriated the label “Boesman” as their identity. We must mention that our analysis suggests that the ≠Khomani San claim this name for themselves in the context of developmental needs too. Thus, the ≠Khomani San chose the name “Boesman” for themselves because it can be commoditised, which means to receive identification validation and monetary value benefits. So, the ill-conceived utterances of the Mayor brought with it the much-needed public discourse on the African People’s identity clarification. What is important to realize is that the people who identify as Boesman are legally classified as Coloureds in South Africa. We must not forget that identity and the land are interconnected and cannot be separated.

The misguided emotional outburst and clear venom the Mayor spewed at our community has united friends and foes within Khoe and San community, including those who still want to be called Coloured. Our disgust with the Mayor’s vulgarity is not located in his intentional condescension when he referred to our People as ‘Boesman’, *No*, it’s the blatant racist attack on our person and the fact that he single handedly decided that we are scum and drunkards who needs to be crushed by the South African Defense Force (SANDF). We must not take this lightly.

We at Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa (IFNASA) have been calling for an honest identity excavation for the longest time, yet very few people took the time to investigate our request. We are on record to categorically state that Racial Categorization, Perpetuate Racism. That means, for as long as institutional racial segregation and racial profiling remains the chief measure (corner stone) of restitution, empowerment and transformation in South Africa, majoritarian dominance will continue to dictate the behaviour of ‘some’ leaders within the ruling party and the ruling elite and law makers.

It is in seasons of profound societal change, transition, and in the thoughtless leaders when group boundaries, history and experiences are altered, as revealed by the cretinous or mindless Mayor, which changes how individuals in the country perceive one another and how they assign support to the other.

A historical context is crucial to an understanding of the Classified Coloured People’s identity, free of the essentialist notion that Classified Colouredness is an automatic product of miscegenation, it’s absolutely hogwash.

There is historical context as to why Classified Coloured People refused to be associated or identified as Boesman. The myths about ‘Boesman’ have a long history, beginning at the colonial frontiers of the Cape at the turn of the seventeenth century, when Khoe and San came to be portrayed as animal-like to the point of being hunted as vermin by some colonial settlers. Many people don’t know that Boesman people were hunted as in trophy-hunting up to the nineteen seventies. By the mid-twentieth century, however, anthropologists had contributed to the reinvention of the Boesman as a ‘harmless people’ living close to nature in egalitarian and peaceful hunter-gatherer bands. These images were projected in the ethnographies of Lorna Marshall and Richard Lee as well as documentary films by John Marshall. Images of ‘Bushman’ living close to nature and animal-like, and as the last bearers of a lost human essence have subsequently become deeply inscribed in the popular imagination.

There is an abiding popular perception that Classified Colouredness is an inherent, biologically determined condition that originated almost immediately with the onset of Dutch colonisation of the Cape – ‘nine months after Van Riebeeck landed’. It is also important to an understanding of the making of the identity in the country as a whole because British colonialism expanded from its Cape colonial base into the subcontinent in the late 19th century under the twin influences of the ‘scramble for Africa’ and the development of large-scale mining in southern Africa. What we are saying, it would be inaccurate or mischievous to lump the total Classified Coloured People’s make-up into the Ideology of miscegenation or only a mixture between Classified Black and Classified White (Dutch) people, including other nationalities from Europe. Our people’s composition remains complex and we must appreciate the current spotlight of our identity attack which remains conspicuously and consciously in obscurity, designed by the apartheid dispensation and now perpetuated by the democratic order. This response is not to try and embarrass the regime, instead, it is an opportunity for all of us to honestly engage our collective history as Africans. Of course, yes, Boesman (San) and Khoe (Hottentot) are Africans too.

There are nevertheless a number of intertwining themes running through the public discourse at the moment and that which will bind our People and all of South Africans together. The regrettable remarks, among other things, highlight the common stereotyping of the Classified Coloured identity in the country as well as missing our shaping influence of the familiar historical trajectory during colonial conquest, segregation and resistance, including the reconfiguration of our identity in the wake of democracy. The interlinking stereotype themes also accentuate common concerns among our people in the country, which is derived from historiographical developments, the application of apartheid policies and the unchanging political and economic environment for our people. In one sense, Classified Coloured identity is a product of European racist ideology which, through its binary logic, cast people deemed to be of mixed racial origin as a distinct, stigmatised social stratum between the dominant minority and the African majority.

This response could be criticized for almost being academic in nature, however, we are trying to offer a contextual overview of rather complex issues. The Classified Coloured People rightfully responded to the painful remarks of the Mayor. The decisive and resolute disciplinary measures by the ruling party in the Free State province is indeed welcoming, but not enough. We call on the provincial and national leadership of the ruling party to urgently establish a permanent public platforms where these and other issues will be addressed as we develop a new African consciousness? We implore that the ruling party would reintroduce history as a compulsory subject for all in schools so that we can decisively deal with the gaps. We call on the ruling party to relieve the Mayor of his duties permanently? We call on all South Africans to continue condemnation of the Mayor’s remarks.

 

*Speelman Unveiled the Real Racist South African DNA*

 

**End….*

 

*Issued by:*

*Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa (IFNASA)*

 

*For Information*

*Anthony Phillip Williams*
*063 223 1283*

 

DISPELLING THE BOGUS HISTORY: Just who were the ‘First People’ – the /Xam of /Xam-ka and who all were those we call the Khoena or Khoi & Xhosa – and are the latter related? Posted on September 8, 2017

by Patric Tariq Mellet

 

I have become very tired – sick and tired in fact – by the succession of false histories concerning who the ‘FIRST PEOPLE’ of the Cape were, and also the misrepresentation of the Xhosa as foreign alien blacks who invaded the Cape, and indeed blanket claims that the ‘Coloured’ people are the Khoena or Khoi and therefore we are the ‘First People’ who demand control of this land.

Much of this is based on false Apartheid and Colonialist history that has unfortunately been embraced by a significant number of our people along with much racism and bigotry.

 

 

Having said this I will go on to explain why I say it, but I first want to state that I do believe that there are genuine Cape Khoena or Khoi communities, and when revived memory and organisational forms are done in a proper manner with due regard to the real history and heritage of the Khoena, then I fully support such initiatives. I believe that there is a place for Khoena revivalism of this sort but it certainly is not a solution or appropriate way for all to follow…. And I say this with due respect. Here I note that revival of tribalism as a way forward can and should be separated from reviving heritage and memory and there are many variants of ways in which this can be done.

In some parts of the three Capes there are strong grounds for a revived association of Khoena people and there are serious claims to be considered soberly in terms of restorative justice. Here in particular the recognition of Revivalist Cape Khoena groups as among the five most marginalised Indigene groups who are discriminated against in South Africa must be recognised. However in other parts of South Africa – the Cape Peninsula in particular only a very small minority have Cape Khoena roots and even then it is but part of much stronger roots relating to slavery and various other migrations of people of colour. I have carefully studied the 1865 census and the 1891 which were the most reliable until 1904. In the 1904 census 85, 892 are identified as Cape Damara, Nama, Korana and Cape ‘Hottentot’ (+/- 60 000) as distinct from Coloured/Mixed numbering 279, 662. After the Union of SA was established and had its first census there was only one category now called ‘Coloured/mixed’ numbering 454,959. Thus as a rule of thumb we can extrapolate that just over a million of today’s “Coloured” population have a claim on Cape Khoena ancestry and around a further 400 000 could have mainly Nama, as well as some Damara and Korana ancestry. If we interrogate the figures of the locations of the Cape Khoena of that time a very negligible percentage were to be found from Koeberg to the so-called Hottentot Holland Mountains and across to Cape Point. Over 91% of persons of colour in this area had other historical roots, which I describe as Camissa.

Now to understand firstly who the only ‘FIRST PEOPLE’ of the Cape can be said to be, we have to go a long way back in history to understand this. Through coming to a proper understand of who the /Xam-ka were, we will also come to an understanding of how they were first displaced from the coastal areas of the Eastern Cape and the Western Cape by the first migrants – the Cape Khoena pastoralists from the Northwest and their earliest cousins the first //Kosa ancestors (not to be confused with those called Xhosa today). We will also need to look at the much later entry of the Nguni into the Eastern Cape and what truly unfolded there. To be able to understand this we will have to look at who the Nguni were, because there is a lot of confusion about this because of the false Colonial narratives unfortunately embraced by a number of peddlers of psuedo-history. Some of these con-artists cannot tell the difference between Homo Sapiens and Archaic Humans when it comes to archaeological diggings, of which there are a number of sites in South Africa, which are treasure troves that shed light on human evolution.

All of these matters pertain to ancient PRE-COLONIAL HISTORY. There is also a fascinating history between 100 BC and 1300 AD around the ‘Peopling of South Africa, with the coming together of hunters, herders, herder-farmers and farmers in the Limpopo.  From 1300 to 1652 a further fascinating history emerges as segmentation and differentiation spreads among South African indigenes. Thereafter another history begins with colonialism and I have covered this elsewhere in explaining how the Colonists over 176 years involving 15 wars first forcibly removed or pacified the Cape Khoena and then committed genocide on the /Xam-ka ‘First People’ and then moved on in the overlapping 100 years wars against the amaGcaleka and amaRharhabe Xhosa and against the abeThembu and those others referred to as Nguni tribes right through to Pondoland.

Let me start with first explaining that the earliest Homo Sapiens emerged along East Africa around 250 000 years ago, and around 90 000 to 130 000 years ago the ‘real ‘First People’ – Homo Sapiens moved out of East Africa to populate the world and by 70 000 years ago hundreds of small groups of Homo Sapiens were dotted all over Southern Africa, not just South Africa. These and their differences have been genetically mapped with what is called SA dna (Southern African dna) which some refer to by using the anthropological and linguistic terms which is not quite accurate – San or Khoisan dna.

By 40 000 years ago half of these ‘First People’ with as much diversity in way of life as they were in number, had died out. By 20 000 years ago they had again reduced considerably, but hundreds of micro-communities which European anthropologists labelled as San were scattered from the tip of Africa to Tanzania, Zambia and Angola. Only in the very broadest sense can these diverse peoples be regarded as a broad human family of people that anthropologists, linguists and geneticists labelled as San. They commonly engaged in hunting and gathering for subsistence, but as herding entered the Zambezi basin and, to the south, at the Shashe-Limpopo basin, a new southern African herding population emerged whom European anthropologists in the 20th century would refer to as the Khoi. These in turn migrated all over South Africa.

Over 20 000 years, distinctive social identities developed to which archaeologists and anthropologists gave the broad label SAN. But with the huge distances between these different groups each had distinctive names and cultures of their own. Down in the Eastern Cape, Western Cape and Central Cape the descendants of the first homo-sapiens who we can call ‘FIRST PEOPLE’ were the /Xam and and !Ga !ne and they were far removed from the Tshua and #Hõā San tribes on the Northwestern Kalahari and Limpopo…. As much so as the Scots, Irish, English and French. The Kohena were not related to the Cape San but were part descended from the Tshua people and the herder descendents from East Africa but also with some other admixture who some refer to as Bantu. Indeed very little distinction would have existed between the earliest micro-communities of herders and farmers who made their way into the Eastern Cape around 650 AD. Archaeologists have not found any evidence of herder peoples before that time in the Eastern Cape and certainly not before 1050 AD in the Western Cape. Archaeological finds of Archaic Human hunter-gatherers.

Here it is important that we stop a moment to look at the evolution of humanity as a number of the pseudo-history peddlers do not understand the findings at South African archaeological digs and confuse these with proof of later human developments.

Homo or Human is the genus that encompasses different progressions towards modern humans or Homo Sapiens. This is basic to archaeological mapping.  Several extinct species are closely related and ancestral to modern humans but are not Homo Sapiens – the most notable being  Homo Erectus. The human genus is shown to have emerged with the appearance of Homo Habilis, just more than two million years ago. This clearly is not modern humans, let alone the San, as some lacking understanding of archaeology attempt to project. Even for non-archaeologists like myself this is considered basic general knowledge. Homo Erectus appeared about two million years ago and, in several early migrations, it spread throughout Africa (Homo Ergaster) and Eurasia.

The latter was likely the first Archaic Human species to live in a hunter-gatherer society and to control fire.  An adaptive and successful species, Homo Erectus persisted for more than a million years. About  500 000 years ago Homo Erectus  gradually diverged into new species, most notably Homo Heidelbergensis. It is from this species that both Homo Sapiens and Homo Neanderthalensis are considered to have derived.

Homo Sapiens which are also referred to as anatomically modern humans   years ago and it is generally agreed that this occurred in Eastern Africa while Homo Neanderthalensis emerged at around the same time in Europe and Western Asia.

It is generally argued that around 130 000 years ago (possibly longer) that Homo Sapiens dispersed from Africa in several waves, Those who dispersed southwards were said to have done so in a gradual drift starting 90 000 to 70 000 years ago. Both in Africa and Eurasia, Homo Sapiens met with and interbred with Archaic Humans (Non Homo Sapiens). The later only died out around 40 000 years ago, with some exceptions being those hybrid species dying out as late as 12,000 years ago.

Now the uninformed read a newspaper article about diggings at Mossel Bay and Blombos Caves and elsewhere where amazing archaeological finds have been made and the erroneously think that all of the findings relating to the Homo genus are Homo Sapien and then jump thousands of years ahead and incorrectly suggest that these findings are of San or the Khoi.

As with the false assumptions made about the path to the emergence of Homo sapiens and the long path from that point to the emergence of San societies and the very much later emergence of Khoi herder societies, there is also many erroneous assumptions that  Archaic Humans did not display make tools etc. The evolution of behaviours is a much debateable subject with much less exactitudes. This subject spans the early stone-age which lasted for around 3.4 million years  and ended in different places between 9000 BC and 2000 BC as the making of metal and metal implements was born. The stone age is divided into early, middle and late stages and likewise with the metal ages.

The caves of the Southern Cape contains Middle Stone Age deposits, and technological insights dated between 70 000 years ago and 100 000 years ago.  This has to be understood in the evolutionary context explained. But it also at different layers expose a Late Stone Age sequence dated between 300 to 2000 years ago.  One has to look at these two periods with very different eyes and the Homo genus of these different periods also require different ways of reading the past. We also have to note that these sites and no other sites have yielded evidence of presence of Khoi Herders in the last thousand years and Archaelogists have been hunting for such evidence for a long time. It is a dead giveaway of pseudo-historians imbued with modern day crackpot ethno-nationist ideas to misrepresent archaeological findings and make statements like “our ancestors were here for hundreds of thousands of years”. Much of what has been discussed here is what we can call pre-history. So back to the focus on history.

The Khoena or Khoi as a distinct people, first emerged 2100 years ago in the Northwestern Kalahari and Limpopo. They separated from the ancestors of the Tshua and #Hõā (distinct San peoples of the area), when pastoral people (herders), descended over 1000 years from East Africa, crossed the Limpopo and brought sheep and a new way of living into the region. Geneticists have also found that the ancestors of these people had also mixed with Nilotic peoples (North Africans from the Nile) who were the ones who introduced sheep to the East Africans. Sheep originate in the Middle East and were conduited down the Nile either through Southward migration from the Middle East or by trading links with the Nilotic people. Some evidence such as the existence of the Lembe with their customs and dna suggests the possibility too of another link with South Africa, but that is another story.

Sheep pastoralism and milk drinking cultures trace along very specific routes and interface with South Africa parallel to the emergence of Khoena people. It is these Khoena or Khoi people who became migrants to the Cape, to join the /Xam ‘First People’ who had been there ever since evolving from the first Homo Sapiens in the area. Indeed the San also have probable linkages with hybrid humans who existed due to inter-relations between Archaic humans and modern humans.

This Limpopo gateway into South Africa tells us a lot about pre-colonial times as it is from here that various people migrated across the Limpopo to KZN and also down to the Gariep River and from there into the Eastern and Western Cape, with a lesser used route also down the West Coast. At this gateway the San of that area and the new arrivals both from East Africa and Bantu from the Great Lakes regions mixed and the Khoena emerged in three formations. One remained around what would become the Kingdom of Mapangubwe, another, moved westwards and southerly into Botswana and Namibia, while others moved Eastwards right through to KZN. There were also those that moved Southwards to the Gariep and then beyond to the Eastern Cape; and finally into the Western Cape by 1050 AD.

By 800AD a powerful African Kingdom developed along the Limpopo with its centre at Mapagubwe made up of a mix of San, Khoena, Bakoni and Bantu peoples.
The Mapangubwe Kingdom presided over by the Tshua San and Khoena Royalty who were held in great esteem by the mixed population of Kalahari Tshua, Khoena, Bakoni and Bantu peoples who all lived in accord. It was an advanced African civilisation of people who lived in stone walled towns, smelted and fashioned golden objects and who likely from evidence found, traded with the East African Coast, Arabs Indians and Chinese in the 10th century. Hundreds of these stone walled city ruins can be found all the way to Mozambique. Great Zimbabwe is just one of these. These people were multi-ethnic and were a combination of of hunter-rainmakers, herders, herder-farmers and farmer-metallurgists. They were also traders and it was from this trading tradition to which the Cape Khoi trace back to, that African trading traditions in the Western Cape (pre-European) evolved.

Further developments resulted in the emergence of the Kalanga peoples whose descendents can be found in the BaTswana, the Sotho, the abaThembu and among the early //Kosa as well as among the Koni civilisation of Mpumalanga. When the Bakoni travelled East into KZN there were another distinct San people, the //Xegwi or BaTwa in that region who were one of the foundation peoples of the new Nguni creation in Southern Africa made up of strands from BaKoni. Abatwa, Khoi and Tsonga. There was never an invasion of Nguni people. The Nguni was a new creation from around 400 AD in South Africa brought about by hunters, herders, herder-farmers and farmer-metallurgists.

Many of the //Xegwi were also assimilated into the Bakoni who themselves then assimilated with Kalanga and later with the Tsonga Bantu tribes who crossed into Northern KZN and indeed crossed too and from across the Limpopo. It is this mixed people who came to be called the Nguni – the Ndwandwe Kingdom and the Mthethwa Kingdom were the most powerful. In the late 18th and early 19th century a revolution took place in this region in which the small original Zulu tribe and Khumalo tribes played a huge role and a new modern national group, the Zulu emerged as a Kingdom.

Through this revolution of the early 19th century known as the Mfecane a number of Nguni tribes – the Ngwane, Qwabe, Hlubi, Bhaca, Bhele, Zizi, Xesibe and Mpondomise were pushed southwards. Only the Mpondo under King Faku, on the Southern borders of KZN, were able to withstand the Zulu forces now operating way out of their rear supply bases.

As a result the Mpondo, Mpondomise, Thembu and Bomvana put pressure on the mixed Cobuqua-Xhosa in the area north of the Kei River. So did other refugee groups who were a mix of Khoena and Sotho (Ngqosini) also fleeing the Mfecane from the surrounds of Mosheshwe’s mountain kingdom which also checked the Zulu advance. This takes us up to the time of Shaka’s death in 1828.

But long before then – some more than 1000 years previously, the Khoena who travelled down southwards from Limpopo and had settled alongside other San formations along the Gariep, and also move further down southwards through the Eastern Cape seaboard into the Western Cape right down into the Cape Peninsula by 1050 AD. Not long after them, probably as the Mapangubwe Kingdom flourished from 800AD there was a trickle of Bantu into the Eastern Cape alongside the Cobuqua. Historians suggest that there was little differentiating between these two groups. This was around 650 AD. They were people who were use to each other over a lengthy period. The original occupiers of the land, the /Xam named these people, the Xhosa. These people spoke a funny mix of Khoena and SiNtu language, and had adopted many of the religious and cultural traditions of the Khoena and San and were thoroughly inter-married with San and Khoena. They were initially also not a kingdom but rather just a small loose federation of clans.

When the Nguni drift occurred and when refugees started pressing down South much later, this pre-Nguni,”Xhosa-Khoena” mixed people came under a much stronger and more well organised Nguni influence both pre and during the the Mfecane. But already there were Khoena tribes further south all the way to the Cape Peninsula by this time.

The Khoena that migrated to the Cape had no direct genetic linkage to the /Xam. It is only in antiquity that there is a connection and that this connection is to the Tshua San. They were thus not indigenous to the area in the old-fashioned use of the term. In modern UN terminology indigenous is used much more broadly and thus Khoena are an Indigene people as much as all whose forebears are Africans on this continent are indigene. But the Khoena certainly are a marginalised Indigene people in South Africa who face discrimination still to this day. That is not the same as being the ‘First People’ in the older sense of the word indigene. The UN and AU and the SA government recognise the San, the Nama, the Korana, the Griqua and the Revivalist Cape Khoena as being  “Indigenous people who are marginalised and discriminated against”.

The Khoena pastoralists nudged out the /Xam and !ga !Ne hunter-gatherer ‘First People’ from their traditional hunting grounds and as pastoralists took dominance of the seaboard areas. The /Xam ‘First People’ were gradually pushed from their traditional lands over a 500 year period to the /Xam-ka area of the central Cape, so that by the time the European shipping started regularly pulling into bays along the coast, the Khoena in the Western Cape and the Xhosa-Khoena of the Eastern Cape were the indigene Africans whom they met.

In the region of the Zuurveld and down to the Gamtoos River the mixed Xhosa-Gonaqua tribe called the Gqunukwebe lived alongside other independent Gonaqua, Damasqua, Gamtoos and Hoengeyqua. The name Gqunukwebe is exactly the same as Gonaqua in a different dialect.

From the Zuurveld area, the following Khoena tribes who had taken over the /Xam lands in the past 500 years were in place at the time of the first European invasion of the Cape. The Gqunukwebe-Xhosa, (Gonaqua, Hoengeyqua, Damasqua,Gamtoos), Outeniqua, Attaqua, Hessequa, Chainouqua, Cochoqua, Chariguriqua, Goringhaiqua and the Gorachoqua. On the western seaboard there were also the Chariguriqua and the Nama. Later some hybrid clans would develop as the result of warfare. In addition to those tribes/clans who over time merged into the ever changing Gqunukhwebe, seven other Khoi tribes merged into the Xhosa confederation even earlier.

Drifters from the Cochoqua, Goringhaiqua, Gorachoqua and Chainouqua who changed their way of life and established a new economy servicing European shipping during the 52 years before Jan van Riebeeck were loosely referred to as the Goringhaicona of Camissa. (Goringhaicona meaning “our kin who have drifted away”).

The formation of  the Camissa traders was highly influenced by a number of them travelling abroad and back – long before van Riebeeck’s arrival. Two of the most prominent were Chief Xhore who visited London in 1613 with the English and Chief Autshumao who visited Java in 1631 with the English who assisted him to establish a servicing settlement. These two men were the real founders of the Port of Cape Town which serviced 1071 ships and over 200 000 European visitors before van Riebeeck. Visits ranged from 3 weeks to 9 months in duration. Without us fully understand the significance of this part of our pre-colonial history we can also never be able to navigate our future. It is in this Camissa experience of a new economy and mode of living among Indigenes and how this was crushed that our understanding of our past is greatly enhanced.

The Goringhaicona were not a tribe….. they were a paradigm shift….. a revolution, that was crushed. But that is a story that I have dealt with elsewhere.

The Khoena or Khoi were the first to encounter the Europeans on the shoreline frontier when their ships dropped anchor in search of meat, water, salt and repair materials. When the European settlers came to stay they were highly reliant on the advanced animal husbandry and pastoral skills of the Cape Khoena whose understanding of sustainable grazing, water conservation and insect-borne diseases was invaluable to the European greenhorn farmers. At the time of the first interactions with the Europeans, the Khoena were very successful livestock farmers with tens of thousands of head of sheep and cattle. Indeed the Khoena had introduced livestock to the Cape.

In the Central Cape mountainous area were the bulk of the /Xam and initially the Europeans steered clear of them. From the moment the VOC started a colony they consciously started a process of forced removals or ethnic cleansing of the Khoena communities from what became the Cape Colony and it took the 176 years – so fierce was the resistance. Those that would not be pacified were forced to flee to the Gariep or to join the amaXhosa resistance in the Eastern Cape.

The Cape Peninsula up to the Hottentots Holland Mountains, down through Paarl and the outskirts of Malmesbury to the West Coast, was by 1720, a virtual Khoena-free zone, so bad was the ethnocide implemented. By the 1865 census there were less than 8% of the 85 000 recorded Khoena (Hottentots) in the whole Colony, living in the Peninsula area. Over 90% of people of colour in this area were recorded as slave descendants and descendants of migrants of colour.

The largest concentrations of Khoena were recorded alongside some of the largest concentrations of Xhosa in the Eastern Cape or in the Northern Cape and the West Coast of the Western Cape and the Karoo and part of Hessequa. Smaller concentrations were in the Overberg.

By the late 1600s the Europeans first encountered the /Xam in warfare when some of the Peninsula Khoena refugees team up with these Cape San to resist the Dutch advance. Increased contact was made after the 1740s as the Europeans in their pushing the Khoena out of the Cape began to encounter more and more /Xam inland. But from the 1770s for 25 years the /Xam valiantly held their own against Dutch-Khoena Commandos. The Commandos were under Dutch leadership but about 60% of these Commandos were pacified Khoena and in this period is when the great genocide slaughter of the ‘First People’ /Xam was at its worst.

The Khoena in the Commandos were instructed to wipe out the adult /Xam. Only a few of the children were spared and taken prisoners and shared out to work on white farms alongside slaves and pacified Khoena. The Khoena Commandos were also allowed to take some of the girls as concubines. Both the European and Khoena Commandos favourite aberration was to cut off the breasts of /Xam women to make leather tobacco pouches.

Much of the 30 000 /Xam community were wiped out, with the survivors moving northward short of the Gariep. There by the mid-1800s the British, Nama, Orlams and the Griquas carried on massacring the /Xam. This is the real tragic story of a genocide with many role-players taking part but largely overseen by the Dutch VOC and the British. This genocide spread from the /Xam victims to wiping out many of the Gariep San too.

It is this fact that makes it painful for the collective surviving San peoples across Southern Africa, when Khoena descendant inappropriately use the term KhoiSan, an anthropological, archaeological and geneticist academic term coined by a German anthropologist in the 1930s. It is adding insult to injury. It also adds insult to injury for any group to assume the title ‘First People’ in the Cape because all were migrants who displaced the /Xam.

Let us now just go back again to the pre-colonial period to see a little bit more closely what occurred in the Eastern Cape with the Khoena. As already noted the earliest original pre-Nguni “Xhosa-Cobuqua” were the first already back as far as the 15th century, feeling some impacts of Mpondomise, Mpondo and Thembu engagement with the “Xhosa-Cobuqua” of the area above the Kei River. Gradually assimilation took place with some Nguni offshoots from the Thembus, Mpinga-Ngwevu, Mpondomise, and the Ntshilibe-Mfene-Vundle Sotho, as well as the Ntlane and Zangwa Mpondo , all joining the mix. This was not a sudden event as some postulate but a gradual drift and engagement long prior to the Mfecane. The Mfecane itself precipitated other impacts on the Xhosa.

A trickle became a greater flow when a game-changer occurred much later. The Nguni domination of the federation of the Xhosa-Cobuqua-Nguni clans began with a fratricidal battle between two royal brothers Cira and Tshawe. The heir to the throne, Cirwa, was defeated when Tshawe called on the Mpondomise to come to his assistance. This led to the initial Nguni domination.

But then Tshawe offered sanctuary to a number of Khoena clans and this again balanced the mix. Expediency had most accepting the new arrangement but those who did not voluntarily accept sanctuary under one Tshawe Kingdom were forced into the Kingdom.

But here we need to backtrack a bit. A mythology was created over time by the victors, that does not stand up to scrutiny. The storyline goes that Tshawe’s father was a great Chief called Nkosiyamntu. This seems more to be a storyline to give credibility to the suggestion of an older direct link to the northern Nguni, than what may factually be the case.  The problem is that there is nobody and no record to verify what the facts may be.

Many people have come up with concoctions about when to date the time of Tshawe and nobody has been able to do so credibly with any accuracy, and again we cannot put an exact date on the Birth of Tshawe and the conflict over succession. The best that one can do is to work backwards from the birth of Togu some time in the mid 1660s to mid 1670s given that the death of  his son Tshiwo kaNgconde was in 1702. He was succeeded by Mdange kaNgconde,  and he was succeeded by Phalo kaTshiwo (king from 1736 – 1775).

Thus if Ngconde kaTogu lets say was born in 1670, then his father Skhomo could have been born between 1640 – 1650 minimum. His father, Ngcwangu, in turn could have been born in the 1620s which then has us looking at the 1580s – 1590s at least being the time of Tshawe’s early years.

In 1736 with the birth of the HOUSE OF PHALO the period of ubuTshawe House (approximately 150 years) had seen lots of changes and the submerging of clans and tribes came to reside under ubuTshawe patronage. Casual dabblers in history do not understand what Tshawe means in its use of conferring royal status. Tshawe and the rule of Tshawe when alive and posthumously had become a synonym for royalty and it remained respected even from the time of the new outstanding stamp on royalty – Phalo.

What people also tend to do is to confuse the development of Kingdoms with history. Before Kingdoms were imposed there were just clans and very little rigidity as every clan was a mix of Khoena, Bantu and even /Xam or !Ga !ne to some extent. The “Kingdoms” ideology was often ahistorical, just like today when people are creating kingdoms from thin air, simply because it may result in a government cheque every month and some land and a grandious title. The Xhosa identity was never hetrogenous as is pointed out by Jeff Peires author of “The House of Phalo”. By King Phalo’s time the practice of confederacy by the Xhosa was sealed.

The following Khoena clans joined the Xhosa Kingdom of ubuTshawe in time – the Ngqosini, Giqwa, Cete, and isiThathu voluntarily joined in accepting the ubuTshawe as a royal confederal umbrella constituting a mixed Xhosa-Khoena Kingdom and the customs and language was a mix of Khoena and SiNtu. By Phalo’s time this was entrenched and Khoi merging into the confederation continued. By Ngcwangu’s time in the mid 17th century Peires makes argument to demonstrate that the Xhosa had political ascendancy over most of the coastal Cape Khoi extending to the fringes of the Cape Peninsula. It is my opinion that this is only adequately demonstrated up to the territory of the Attaqua and Hessequa, and only by with mid 18th century during Phalo’s time, even although the Xhosa enjoyed a special relationship with the Chainoqua.

All of this happened some-time before the first conflictual engagements between the colonists and another tribe known as the Gqunukwebe is recorded when a commando of Europeans rode out of Stellenbosch in 1702 and moved up as far as the Zuurveld to raid cattle and encountered these people.

Who were the Gqunukwebe? After Tshawe’s time and before 1700 one of the Khoena clans (which also had a Sotho mix) – the Ngqosini under Chief Tshiwo revolted against the Xhosa Kingdom and made an alliance with a medicine man Khwane who had quietly built up a small Khoena army in the forests over some time. They were victorious and this is how these Khoena Xhosa joined by a number of Gonaqua Khoena people in the forests, formed the Gqunukwebe, (it actually is Xhosa word for Gonaqua) and became the southernmost Xhosa living alongside the Gonaqua in relative harmony. These were the first so-called Xhosa that the Europeans started raiding cattle from when commandos rode out from Stellenbosch in 1700.

The Gqunukwebe became a melting pot for the Hoengeyqua, Gonaquea, Gamtoos and even Hessequa refugees and Confederation military alliance was forged between them all under the elderly Chief Chungwa and the Khoena Chief Klaas Stuurman, and after his death with Chief David Stuurman. This was of course all in the South of the Eastern Cape.

In the north, the end of the 18th century saw the build up to the Zulu Mfecane which also added to the impacts when other Nguni refugees followed – the Ngwane, Bhele, the Zizi, the Hlubi, the Bhaca, the Qocwa and the Mfengu. The Mfecane at this time was preceded by the extension of the Mthetwa Empire, into which Shaka was born in 1787 in a the minor Zulu clan. All of this took place as the Colonial Conquest of the Eastern Cape began. Just as the VOC Dutch wars were starting in the region and then carried on in tandem with the first few British wars that seized Khoena and Xhosa land, so too by 1811 all hell had broken loose engulfing the Ndwandwe and Mthetwa, and within this fray the minor clan of Zulu under Shaka was becoming popular in Zululand. By 1819 Shaka was in ascendancy and in his short reign until 1828 when he was murdered, having consolidated the Ndwandwe and Mthetwas he finished what the Mthetwa Empire had started by expanding control north, west and south. The impact of this on the Sotho, Mpondomise, Mpondos, Hlubis, Bhaca and others put further pressure on the Xhosa pinned between British war and expansion in the South and the refugee groups and upheaval in the north. Colonial historians presented this very differently by projecting that the Xhosa were an Nguni invasion, and quack psuedo-historians punting 21st century ethno-nationalism through a degree of Khoi fakery present the same colonial and Apartheid history as though it were factual.

When in 1736 the House of Phalo emerged it did so with another fratricidal conflict within the Xhosa Kingdom. Next door to the original Cobuqua-Xhosa pre-Nguni were another powerful Khoena tribe – the Inqua also called the Humcumqua. They made a huge political military mistake in the region when they got involved in taking sides with one brother against the other in the Xhosa conflict. The Inqua took the side of the brother that lost and they were conquered in the process.

The Inqua Chief Hinsati made an alliance with the Xhosa King Gwali and gave him protection against his brother Mdange. The latter defeated the Inqua and installed Phalo as King and then assimilated the Inqua clans – Sukwini, Gqwashu and Nqarwane into the House of Phalo. So thereby another whole Khoena tribe with all its clans simply had a name change. They were Khoena or Khoi who suddenly became part of this by now more than 800 year old ever metamorphosing entity called “Xhosa”.

The House of Phalo also eventually split into two antagonistic tribes – the amaGcaleka of Chief Gqaika and the amaRharhabe of Chief Ndlambe. The Rharabe allied with the Gonaqua and Gqunukwebe against the colonists and Gqaika allied with the colonists against the Xhosa-Khoena Confederacy. Two amazing resistance fighters emerged from this alliance under the Rharhabe – General and Itola, Makhanda known As Nxele, whose mother was Khoena and father Xhosa; and Khoena Chief David Stuurman. Bothe ended up together as prisoners of war on Robben Island and both were in the same escape boat that made it to Bloubergstrand. Makhanda unfortunately drowned when the boat hit the rocks. Chief David Stuurman survived but was banished to Australia as a POW convict.

All of the Khoena tribes from the Zuurveld down into the Cape Peninsula had very strong familial links to the Xhosa, who were in fact to a great degree Khoena themselves as well as part Nguni. In modern times we tend to call all of the people of the Eastern Cape Xhosa and then assume all are Nguni. That is much too simplistic and it also feeds into the “Great Lie” that a Black invasion occurred more or less at the same time as a white invasion, and both are aliens to the Khoena.

From this historical falsehood has grown a false Khoena or Khoi separatism, and also the falsehood that the Khoena or Khoi are the ‘First People’ of the Cape, whereas they were pastoral migrants and only the /Xam were the ‘First People’. Besides everything else the commandos who slaughtered the /Xam were 60% made up of pacified Khoena. The few /Xam surviving the 1780s genocide by the VOC Commandos faced further genocide at the hands of the British and the Griquas in the 1800s.

We really need to hit this nonsense on the head fed by historical quakery. It is all based on notions of superiority indoctrinated among ‘Coloured’ people by the colonists and Apartheid racism and bigotry. Our history as Africans is much more complex and integrated than we want to believe. The evolution and the falling away and recreation of tribal and kingdom identities happened before Colonisation and was exploited to divide our ancestors at that time, just as it is dividing us now. And all sorts of opportunists and racists are climbing on board. There should be no place for racism in any united association of indigenes, and these cannot just be open to those labelled “Coloured” when history shows us that only a third of “Coloured” have Khoena heritage and probably an equal number of those today called “Xhosa” also have Khoena Heritage in the Cape. In the Gariep, Free State and right up to Limpopo and then across to KZN, there are also descendants of the Khoena.

The Cape Khoena heritage is real but it has nothing to do with race, colour, features and geo-location. The story is a lot more complex.

If we want to be true to ourselves and to our ancestors we should proceed cautiously and get to first embrace a non-colonial historical understanding of our roots. We also cannot just be trendy and adopt models from Canada, the USA and Australia.
I believe that in going forward and looking at all the components of our heritage that has been forced under this label “Coloured” we must honestly address the past, and there is much research to consult and everyday new information arises. We cannot neatly separate our indigene heritage which some carry in more weight than others from our Slavery ancestry from Africa, India and Southeast Asia, nor from the many other tributaries of migrants of colour whose descendants too were labelled “Coloured”.

I firmly believe that together we should be in exploration mode least fraudulent charletons and the Zuma State bamboozle us all for their own benefit just like previous regimes have done…. And then our people are betrayed. The dead give-away of the false doctrines floating about is that they are firmly a matter of the age old “DIVIDE & RULE”.

One of our old late stalwarts wished to leave a legacy of understanding that he as someone labelled ‘Coloured’ wanted to claim his African-ness by correction the colonial historical nonsense that created a wall between one indigene African people and another.

This colonial lie of “separateness” needs to be challenged at its roots. One of our late old stalwarts believed that we must be honest and face up to history and write our own pre-colonial narratives. Until we do so this notion of ‘Coloured’ superiority will not die out. We are an African people and will never find our African home and African rights if we keep following the ‘white’ lies. We are an integrated African people and separatism is not the answer to our problems. It is when we truly accept our African heritage in all its wonderful facets, and merge this with our slavery heritage seamlessly as the very blood that flows in our veins – then we will find peace and liberation.

He would say, “We have allowed the Europeans world view to become our world view. It is a common argument of the Europeans that where would Africa and South Africa be if it was not for the Europeans skill and hard work. They shout –look what good colonialism has done for you.” The only way to counter this is to stop believing their half-baked stories and making these our own. Look at the pre-colonial situation with honesty.

 

Disclaimer: The Indigenous First Nation Advocacy South Africa (IFNASA) posted this article as part of a new project called “Who Am I, Who Are We”, soon to be launched. This article is purely for information and analysis. IFNASA appreciate the tireless efforts of Patric Mellet who are shading light on arguably the most difficult narrative and history of the South African people.

 

http://www.ifnasa.co.za

 

 

 

UNISA DON’T WANT CLASSIFIED COLOURED AND INDIAN STAFF 

GSCC PRESS STATEMENT

 

For Immediate Release

12th March 2019

UNISA DON’T WANT CLASSIFIED COLOURED AND INDIAN STAFF 

 

GSCC WILL PROTECT THE #UNISA4

 

UNISA’s Fraudulent and Discriminatory Hearings Postponed.

Fascinatingly, we just witness how Dr Marcia Socikwa tried to persuade parliament and South Africans that she is a trustworthy candidate for the new SABC Board.     How will South Africa trust Dr Socikwa who blatantly demonstrated her bigotry and fascist behaviour at UNISA? The South African Parliament, the President and the SABC would make a big mistake if they were to employ the services of Dr Socikwa, a known chauvinist, if we are to consider the current staff discrimination case and accusations levelled against her at UNISA. We cannot sit around idle and accept the oppressiveness towards citizens of this country, under her watch. What will she do at the SABC?

The Gauteng Shut-Down Co-ordinating Committee (GSCC) Team had to brace the painful N1 traffic congestion yesterday morning enroute to the most ludicrous game played by Dr Socikwa, Head of Operations at UNISA, in Pretoria. The humiliation and vilification of Four Staff Members now referred to as the #UNISA4 remains inexplicable and bizarre. These staff members had to endure all manner of personal attacks and public slander because they are Classified Coloureds and because they dared to speak-out against the ill treatment they experienced at the hands of a vicious Dr Socikwa who mercilessly made her personal mandate clear, ‘Fire Classified Coloureds and Indians’ at UNISA.

Some of the irregularities which needs the urgent attention of the Senate, Parliament and the National Minister of Higher Education is the alleged irregular appointment of Dr Blade Nzimande’s son, including the concealment of a report which could potentially implicate Dr Socikwa in wrong doing.

What has transpired instead is that two of the #UNISA4, who were suspended in October 2018, received notices to appear before a Disciplinary Committee (DC) yesterday. It is our unassuming opinion that UNISA fast-tracked the hearings in order to get rid of the esteem staff members. The DC postponed the matter to the 27th and 28th March 2019. We were led to believe that the hearings are not of public interest, hence security kept the GSCC Team at the entry point. Since Dr Socikwa attacked our entire community, it’s incumbent upon us, that as a Civil Rights Movement, fighting for the Poor and the Working-Class, especially Classified Coloureds, that we must respond and protect the integrity of our People, the Constitution of South Africa, the current staff members Classified Coloured, those who left the employ under similar circumstances and all those who would choose the institution as an employer in the future.

The GSCC would like to call upon the UNISA Vice Chancellor Prof. Makhanya, the Chancellor, Former President Thabo Mbeki, the Minister of Higher Education Naledi Pandor, Parliament and the entire South African population to detain this evil immediately. Every citizen of South Africa should protect the integrity of UNISA by condemning the barbaric act of character assassination of the Classified Coloured People, descendants of the First Nation and those of Indian descent. We will be considering laying charges with the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) and the Equality Court so that justice is served towards the staff and the community.

The GSCC will invite the SAHRC to attend the next hearings. We would like to invite the Media to a Press Conference on the morning of the 27th March 2019 at UNISA, where we will outline our program of action against racism and gross human rights violations many Classified Coloured People experience in various institutions, workplaces and within the country. The time to push-back has now come full circle. Classified Coloured People Will Not be Silenced! We will remain as the vanguard of the Poor and Working-Class and we will unapologetically fight for the rights of people called Coloureds. South Africa, we should not be here! We should have enjoyed the economic spoils as a collective diverse community. We can still live together, under the African Sun, however, the country must accept the Equal status of the First Nation People Classified as Coloured. Why should we suffer perpetually at the heartlessness and rootless bureaucrats? We deserve Equality, Fairness and Justice!

 

The Revolution is Not for Sale!

 

End….

 

                                             Image result for marcia socikwa Dr Marcia Socikwa

Issued by: Gauteng Shut-Down Co-ordinating Committee (GSCC)

 

Please contact:  Chairperson – Anthony Phillip Williams 066 250 4948

General Secretary – Harry Smith 081 584 9435

Head of Education – Ricardo Terry 076 542 6693

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